SACW | Sept. 16-17, 2008 / Pakistan's Survival / Sri Lanka Crisis / India: Phoney Jihadis, Real Culprits !

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | September 16-17, 2008 | Dispatch No. 2568  
- Year 11 running

[1] Can Pakistan Survive? Yes, if… (I. A. Rehman)
[2] Sri Lanka: Humanitarian crisis has larger implications (Jehan  
Perera)
[3] 'Real' terrorists remain invisible to India's secular state
(i) Open letter to India's Prime Minister after Delhi Blasts (Shabnam  
Hashmi and Ram Puniyani)
(ii) Sahmat statement condemning violence in Delhi, Orissa and Karnataka
(ii) Attacks on chruches and christians in Karnataka: A statement by  
Prashant
(iv) In search of an enemy (Editorial, The Hindu)
(v) Return of Hindutva (Editorial, Deccan Herald)
(vi) BJP's Bangalore conclave an exercise in beating old war drums  
(Editorial, Kashmir Times)
[4] India: A House for Shabana Azmi (Ram Puniyani)
[5] India: Faith accompli (Soumitro Das)
[6] India: Phoney Jihadis, Real Culprits ! (Subhash Gatade)
[7] India: No mumbaikar is an island (Debashish Mukerji)


______


[1]

Newsline
August 2008

CAN PAKISTAN SURVIVE? YES, IF…

Taming the military, the feudal elite and Islamic militancy is  
essential to keep the country together.

by I. A. Rehman

Tariq Ali was not the first one to pose the question, “Can Pakistan  
survive?” when he chose it as the title of his study more than 35  
years ago. Since Pakistan came into being after a non-traditional  
process, fears of its mortality have been a part of its people’s  
psyche. Successive governments have kept this fear alive by using it  
to blackmail the people into surrendering to their inefficient and  
oppressive rule. However, anxieties about Pakistan’s life have never  
been so severe and widespread as they are today because ordinary  
citizens can see their country being caught in a battle that could  
prove fatal.

          The question of survival is not equally relevant to all the  
three components of Pakistan’s identity – the land, the people, and  
the state. There can be no fear of the demise of the land of  
Pakistan. It has survived the ravages of time since antiquity and it  
will survive whatever may befall the state of Pakistan. Even if some  
parts of this land, or even the whole of it, get covered by water, it  
will only be submerged but will not disappear. Similarly, the people  
will survive as they have survived countless convulsions over  
thousands of years. It is only the state of Pakistan that can be  
subject to the laws of life and death.

           The Pakistan state has been vulnerable all along because  
it was born with several serious internal contradictions that  
required extraordinary political engineering. First, it adopted the  
ideal of a modern, democratic and apparently secular polity, although  
the demand for its creation had been based on the religious identity  
of the subcontinent’s Muslims. Secondly, it upheld a federal  
structure in theory and followed the colonial model of a unitary  
state in practice. Thirdly, it assumed that a democratic system could  
flourish in a society steeped in feudal culture. Fourthly, a larger  
part of its population was in the disadvantaged eastern wing while  
the mantle of power was assumed by the privileged western wing with a  
smaller population. And, fifthly, the events attending the birth of  
Pakistan and the global environment during its formative years led it  
to develop an obsession with security to the neglect of many other  
requisites of a democratic state of contented citizens.

         The accumulated failures of the controllers of Pakistan’s  
destiny in the different phases of its life have generated an  
unprecedented sense of despair among the people today. But before  
trying to figure out what the future holds for Pakistan it may be  
useful to examine how grave and complex the challenges stemming from  
the contradictions mentioned have become.

            The first critical issue faced by Pakistan, even before  
the clerics’ volte face in claiming parentage of the state whose idea  
they had maliciously denounced and stubbornly opposed, was the  
Bengali citizens’ assertion of their linguistic and cultural  
identity. The matter was messed up thoroughly and one thing led to  
another. The gulf between the two wings grew wider as the state’s  
federal premises were consistently repudiated and the democratic  
rights of the majority population were arrogantly rejected.  
Eventually East Bengal was forced out of the Pakistan state, but the  
contradiction between the imperatives of the federation and the  
rulers’ preference for despotic centralism (not even benevolent  
centralism) has remained unresolved.

           No lesson has been learnt from the follies that caused  
Pakistan’s break-up in 1971; indeed the state’s attitude toward less  
powerful units has become haughtier and even more irrational. Today,  
three out of the four units of the federation of Pakistan are more  
alienated from the centre than ever before. The institutions that  
could have cemented the bonds of federal unity – the parliament, the  
Council of Common Interest, the National Finance Commission and the  
defence forces – have all become sources of cleavage and conflict.  
Nobody can be blamed for declining to accept bets on the survival of  
a federal state whose constituents keep pulling in different directions.

           However, the issue of the federating units’ rights has  
been superseded in seriousness by the rise of religious pretenders to  
power. While the founding father did argue that Pakistan was not  
meant to be a laboratory of faith, they undermined, wittingly or  
unwittingly, every secular strand of national unity. Their successors  
rose to power by flouting democratic authority and relied on  
religious rhetoric to legitimise their regimes. Being unfamiliar  
themselves with the liberal tradition of Islam, they allowed the  
conservative clerics to dominate the religious discourse. Each new  
constitutional text enlarged the political space for the forces of  
theocracy.

           General Zia-ul-Haq’s decision to pervert the concept of  
jihad and install the conservative tribals as dispensers of sovereign  
rights made it possible for them to first claim a right to impose  
their writ in their mountainous hideouts and finally to seize  
Pakistan or a part of it for themselves. At the moment, Pakistan’s  
armed forces alone appear to have the capacity to thwart them but no  
one can say as to how long this cover will be available to the  
beleaguered state.

            The state’s weakness in facing the threat from the north,  
which ironically used to be invoked for quite a long time, by Muslims  
and non-Muslims alike, to frighten the rulers of the sub-continent,  
has been compounded by its failure to resolve the democratic forces’  
contradiction with the feudal social structures on the one hand and  
the praetorian adventurers on the other.

            The political actors responsible for guiding the short  
and largely painless struggle for Pakistan had extremely limited  
exposure to democratic ideas. Many of them viewed the creation of a  
new state through democratic-sounding devices as a means of  
perpetuating their feudal privileges. The feudals that had been  
trained as the colonial power’s auxiliary force had little difficulty  
in guaranteeing their victories in electoral contests. So useful was  
feudal culture in depriving the masses of their right to power that  
even non-feudals that were catapulted into seats of power ran the  
state and its economy in the style of feudals. Pakistan remains a  
feudal state which is prepared to compromise with any claimant to  
share in power except the disadvantaged citizenry. By refusing to  
liquidate feudalism, Pakistan has condemned itself to the status of  
anachronism.

           At the same time, the security apparatus created and  
maintained by the people by sacrificing their rights to education,  
health and material well-being became autonomous within a few years  
of independence. By the end of the fifties it had not only become  
free of the government’s administrative and financial controls, it  
moved into the state’s driving seat and has refused to leave it  
except for short vacations. The repeated assaults by the armed forces  
have made it impossible for political parties to acquire maturity of  
mind or become proficient in statecraft. This deficiency of the  
civilian establishment has reinforced the military camp’s belief in  
its monopoly over wisdom and patriotism. It always considered itself  
independent of the state in defence matters, now it chooses to help  
the civil government beat off threats to national integrity only on  
its own terms and in a manner of its own choosing.

          Does the foregoing narrative of the Pakistan state’s plight  
leave any room for hope of its survival? Yes, it is possible to  
sustain hope for two reasons.

          First, states are known to survive for long even when  
afflicted with dreaded diseases, only they become irrelevant to their  
hapless citizens until external or internal forces, or a combination  
of both, appear on the scene to save the state for a particular  
interest or replace it with a new state or with more than one state.  
Fortunately, that moment does not seem to have arrived as yet. One of  
the reasons is the discovery by powerful neighbours of their stake in  
the integrity of the Pakistan state. Except for some purblind  
tacticians masquerading as military strategists, Iran, India, Central  
Asia and China have ample reason to be wary of the rise of an  
aggressively Sunni, tribal jihadi state over Pakhtun territories in  
Afghanistan and Pakistan. Even the Pakhtuns, except perhaps for the  
mercenaries among them, may not wish to be thrown back more than a  
few decades.

          Secondly, the state of disarray and anarchy that is causing  
people acute distress is not due to lack of the Pakistan state’s  
potential for survival. It is largely due to non-utilisation of the  
national resources and instruments of recovery, and the possibility  
of their proper employment cannot be ruled out.

          A dispassionate analysis of the problems Pakistan is facing  
will show that all of them, except for the siege by the jihadis, can  
be resolved if the various parties involved can convince themselves  
that it will be impossible to protect their group interests in the  
event of the state’s getting weaker or completely dysfunctional.

          A serious and sincerely mounted effort to remove the  
federating units’ grievances can still restore the federation to  
health. What needs to be done is largely known. The provinces deserve  
maximum autonomy, a fair NFC award, an effective Council of Common  
Interest, stoppage of all military operations that are objected to by  
the populations concerned, and abandonment of what are perceived as  
plans and measures to grab land and other natural resources. The  
federation will become stronger and more viable if the provinces are  
allowed due freedom to develop themselves and to enjoy their due  
share in the running of the centre as well.

          Once it is realised that the state cannot overcome the  
diverse challenges confronting it without the trust and active  
support of the people, it may not be impossible to bridge the many  
intra-state divisions. At the moment, there is a sharp division  
within the ruling coalition – the coalition parties and the rest of  
the political actors cannot see a common national goal, and the chasm  
between the civilian horde and the military establishment is posing  
the single greatest threat to national security. Whatever it may  
take, the ongoing fight between the various elements of the state  
must be stopped. Success in this endeavour will enable the state to  
harness its potential for rejuvenation.

          However, unity of purpose among its organs alone will not  
enable the state to win public backing. That will be possible only  
through the mobilisation of the masses by the political parties. At  
the moment, the political parties are totally out of action. Meetings  
of parliamentary parties, if held at all, are meaningless get- 
togethers and there is little communication and consultation with the  
rank and file. An open and continuous dialogue between the state and  
the people is one of the foremost requisites for the state’s survival  
and progress.

         An effective mobilisation of the people is also necessary to  
end the confusion in the ruling elite on the most effective response  
to tribal militancy operating under the cover of faith. A greater  
part of the population rejects the militants’ thesis and is convinced  
that their accession to power will entail indescribable misery to the  
people, generation after generation. But those holding this view are  
doing nothing to avert disaster. Those on the other side seem to  
believe that the militants are not in the wrong and that they can  
ride the tiger. Unless these people can amend their thinking, they  
are only arranging a feast for the tiger. The state’s survival hinges  
on evolving a rational response to the tribal onslaught.

          All this may invite a comment that what has been offered is  
a wish list and not a practical way to salvation. This will not be  
wholly true because no situation is ever beyond correction if people  
take matters into their hands. Pakistan can survive if there are  
enough people around who decide to ensure that it does survive.


______


[2]


New Age
September 17, 2008

HUMANITARIAN CRISIS HAS LARGER IMPLICATIONS

What Sri Lanka faces today is an internal conflict. It is not  
relevant to point to other wars against terrorism, such as the US war  
in Iraq and Afghanistan and say worse things are done there… Sri  
Lanka’s ethnic conflict is being fought in our own country. Internal  
conflicts are not one-off affairs, where the victors can just pick  
themselves up and walk off the field of battle. If an internal war is  
to end on a sustainable basis, there must be reconciliation,
writes Jehan Perera from Colombo


A HUMANITARIAN crisis is looming over the northern Vanni region under  
LTTE control. The prospects of escalated warfare and the government’s  
order to all international humanitarian organisations in the area to  
withdraw from there with immediate effect signals a war without  
limits and without witnesses. However, protests by civilians have led  
the international humanitarian organisations to temporarily halt the  
withdrawal of their staff from those areas. The UN has requested an  
extra three weeks to complete its withdrawal. The government has also  
demonstrated a measure of flexibility and permitted the ICRC to  
remain in Kilinochchi indefinitely.
    The humanitarian crisis in Sri Lanka has gained international  
attention with the UN secretary general’s office making a statement  
regarding the issue. Government spokespersons have responded  
critically to this statement, pointing out that the situation in  
other countries with similar problems is much worse and that Sri  
Lanka should not be compared to them. On the other hand, objective  
statistics show that the Sri Lankan conflict is one of the very worst  
in the world in terms of deaths, including battlefield deaths.
    The Uppsala Conflict Data Programme on Uppsala University in  
Sweden has shown that 2007 there were four wars in the world with  
more than 1,000 battle related deaths. ‘The Iraq conflict had the  
highest number of battle related deaths, followed by the ones in  
Afghanistan, Sri Lanka and Somalia.’ (Journal of Peace Research, Vol.  
45, No 51, September 2008). It is, therefore, no surprise that the  
country’s international image is getting increasingly negative.
    However, so far the government has not shown willingness to  
compromise on its decision with regard to the eviction of  
humanitarian agencies from the Vanni region. The Sri Lankan army has  
now advanced sufficiently deep within LTTE controlled territory to  
bring the LTTE’s administrative centres within firing range of long  
distance artillery. On the other hand, the advance of the government  
troops has been accompanied by civilian displacement, with most of  
the civilian population falling back along with the LTTE. The  
prospect of a final victory may induce the government to seek the  
war’s end at any cost.

    Bleak prospects

    Face-to-face fighting will be extremely costly to the advancing  
Sri Lankan army. Long-range artillery fire is the means by which the  
government can safeguard the lives of its own troops. Accordingly the  
government has dropped leaflets and made announcements. Those  
remaining in the Vanni are likely to become cannon fodder in the face  
of long-range artillery duels between the government and the LTTE. In  
fact, the government has explained its order to withdraw humanitarian  
workers from the Vanni on the grounds that it is necessary to ensure  
their safety. This being so, it does not need much imagination to  
guess the plight of the civilian population who will be left in the  
Vanni.
    The situation of the civilians trapped in the war zones can be  
understood to be terrible in these circumstances. While some of the  
civilian population, especially those whose family members are  
combatants with the LTTE, may voluntarily be accompanying the LTTE,  
the others are not being permitted to leave by the LTTE. The  
advantage in long-distance combat lies with the government, whose  
firepower has been bolstered by recent arms purchases. But as the  
civilian population goes deeper into LTTE controlled territory it  
becomes more difficult for the army to fire on even LTTE gun  
positions without endangering the civilian population who become the  
LTTE’s human shields.
    It is unwise and unethical for a democratic government that seeks  
reconciliation with all sections of its people for sustainable peace  
to give military imperatives priority over the lives and security of  
the country’s people whether they are living under government control  
or rebel control. In this context there are three challenges for the  
government. The first is to ensure the safety and wellbeing of the  
civilian population trapped in the Vani. They are all citizens  
entitled to equal rights and equal protection of the law. The  
government must ensure their equality in practice by giving priority  
to their concerns.
    The proposed departure of the humanitarian organisations from the  
Vanni will lead to bleak prospects for the displaced and local  
civilians who are either voluntarily and involuntarily staying back  
in the Wanni. The organisations asked to leave include specialist  
humanitarian organisations such as UNHCR and the World Food  
Programme. If these organisations are prepared to take the risk of  
continuing to work in war zones, they need to be supported and  
encouraged in this action.

    Primary duty

    The government may claim that it has done its duty by the people  
by dropping leaflets and informing them to leave the Vanni. However,  
it is not reasonable to expect the civilians to spontaneously move  
out of the LTTE controlled area in the absence of an organised  
movement of people that is supervised by reputed humanitarian  
organisations. People would be fearful to leave on their own in  
disregard of the LTTE’s order that they remain in the Vanni. The  
people would also be fearful of leaving in small and unorganised  
groups towards army lines, as they would not be sure about the  
reception they would get from troops who are on high alert against  
surprise LTTE attacks.
    This is why an organised movement of people is necessary if they  
are to be evacuated from the Vanni, and such a movement requires the  
presence and mediation of international humanitarian organisations.  
In the absence of this humanitarian option, it is possible that  
desperate civilians may even resort to the old practice of fleeing to  
India by boat. If this happens there is the prospect of the  
government’s conduct of humanitarian matters coming under further  
international scrutiny. The movement of refugees to India will  
provide anti Sri Lanka forces in India further cause to mobilise  
against the Sri Lankan government to its detriment.
    During previous phases of the armed conflict successive  
governments have obtained the assistance of both local and  
international humanitarian organisations to ensure that essential  
supplies reach the affected people. The government needs to treat  
international humanitarian organisations as its partners who fill a  
void it cannot at this time. Their work needs to be facilitated and  
not curtailed at this time when the worst phase of war is about to  
occur. Not even the excuse of the so-called last battle towards which  
both government and the LTTE seem to be heading can be an excuse for  
being irresponsible and callous towards the civilian population.
    What Sri Lanka faces today is an internal conflict. It is not  
relevant to point to other wars against terrorism, such as the US war  
in Iraq and Afghanistan and say worse things are done there. Those  
are wars being fought by a superpower in other people’s countries.  
Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict is being fought in our own country.  
Internal conflicts are not one-off affairs, where the victors can  
just pick themselves up and walk off the field of battle. If an  
internal war is to end on a sustainable basis, there must be  
reconciliation. The government needs to be mindful of what the people  
in the Vanni region want. The provision of access to war zones to  
international humanitarian agencies is a basic requirement in  
international law that the government needs to honour.

    Jehan Perera is media director of the National Peace Council in  
Colombo, Sri Lanka

______


[3]  India's Secular State Fiddles on the Roof - The Hindutva project  
is making deep inroads by the day

(i)

AN OPEN LETTER TO THE PRIME MINISTER OF INDIA

September 15, 2008

New Delhi

Dear Dr. Manmohan Singh,

The blasts in Delhi (September 12, 2008) are another in the series of  
tragic blasts in which scores of people have been killed. We strongly  
condemn the blasts and demand a proper, unbiased investigation into  
the same. We demand that the guilty be punished. At the same time it  
seems that our investigating agencies are ignoring some thing very  
crucial in the matters of investigating the acts of terror.

The acts of terror have been occurring and Home Ministry is watching  
helplessly. While the current investigation is totally focused around  
SIMI, many an alleged culprits have been put behind the bars, despite  
which now some unknown entity Indian Mujahideen seems to have been  
projected as being responsible for the current ones. At the same time  
another stark truth is being deliberately sidelined and undermined.  
And that relates to the blasts done by Bajrang Dal and Hindu Jagran  
Samiti. We fail to understand as to why the investigation authorities  
are turning a blind eye to some of the well established facts.

1. In a serious case of blasts in Nanded in April 2006 two Bajarang  
Dal workers died when making bombs. Similar incidents of bomb blasts  
were witnessed in many places around that time, Parabhani, Jalna and  
Aurangabad in Maharashtra. Most of these were in front of the  
mosques. The Nanded investigation 'leads' were not followed. On the  
contrary the investigation in that direction was not pursued at all.  
The attitude of police in this investigation has been totally lax.  
Social activists made the complaint about this to Human Rights  
commission. The commission summoned the Superintendent of police,  
Nanded, in its hearing held on 17th June. The SP failed to turn up  
for hearing! There seems to be a deliberate cover up of this  
important finding of Maharashtra Anti terrorist Squad. ATS did  
investigate the links of the dead with Bajrang Dal, an RSS affiliate.  
At the same time the injured were visited in the hospital by the top  
brass of local BJP and associates. Local BJP MP told the police not  
to harass those related to the culprits in the wake of the Bajrang  
Dal involvement in the bomb making. In Nanded, ATS also found fake  
moustache and pajama kurta, the idea being that the culprits will  
dress like a Muslim while doing these black deeds.

2. A bomb blast took place at the RSS office at Tenkasi, in the  
Tirunelveli District of Tamil Nadu on January 24. After a thorough  
investigation, the Tamilnadu Police had arrested 7 persons belonging  
to Sangh Parivar outfits. They had confessed that they indulged in  
this terror act to instigate the local Hindu population against the  
Muslims.

On further investigation, the Tamilnadu Police arrested Siva Alias  
Sivanandam, who is the General Secretary of Hindu Munnani at  
Kadayanallur, a neighbouring town of Tenkasi. Formed in 1980, Hindu  
Munnani is a frontal organisation of Sangh Parivar operating in  
Tamilnadu.

Siva, who has earlier worked in quarries in the neighboring state of  
Kerala had supplied the ammonium nitrate and other raw materials for  
preparing the bombs.

3. The bombs which exploded in Gadkari Rangayatan on 4th June 2008  
injured seven people. Again Maharashtra Anti Terrorist Squad  
succeeded in nabbing the culprits. The culprits were part of Hindu  
Janjagaran Samiti (HJS), an outfit of Sanatana Ashram in Panvel.  
These culprits were also involved in other blasts, in Vashi, Panvel  
and Ratnagiri. We have not heard anything about the further tracing  
of this very important lead.

4. On 24th August, in Kanpur two Bajrang Dal workers died while  
making bombs. Rajiv alias Piyush Mishra and Bhupinder Singh were  
killed while making crude bombs on Sunday afternoon.

On 25th August, Monday, police recovered some crude hand grenades,  
lead oxide, red lead, potassium nitrate, bomb pins, timers and  
batteries from the spot, inside a hostel in Kalyanpur area of Kanpur,  
about 80 km from Lucknow. No further investigation, why?

Every time there is a bomb blast immediately the agencies and the  
media declare that it is done by some Muslim organization without any  
proof. Hundreds of innocent young boys are picked up, what follows  
are illegal detentions, torture, arrests, harassment of families,  
forcing the families and victims to sign blank papers. For years  
these helpless victims are tortured in jails, denied legal aid, even  
lawyers who try and fight their cases are attacked openly in courts.  
Their images tarnished for life time. If they are lucky they get let  
off after years as neither the agencies or the police have any proof  
against them. The cacophony of stricter laws rises so that a police  
can extract a confession by third degree torture and present that as  
evidence. Through this systematic vilification campaign the process  
of demonization of minorities continued unabated.

If we look at the timing of the terror attacks it is very clear that  
one and only one political outfit is gaining from it and that is  
Sangh. With their eyes on the central government their agenda of  
polarizing the voter is going ahead successfully.

On the other hand there are constant attacks on minorities on one  
pretext or another. Orissa thousands of Christians have been  
attacked, rendered homeless, their homes ransacked and looted and  
burnt down, churches attacked and even orphanages are not left alone.

Karnataka a similar picture is emerging. We have personally briefed  
very senior people in the government and the Congress party about the  
Karnataka situation and that it might explode but nothing was done  
and we have seen what has happened yesterday.

While we write to you now, the police are firing at Muslims in  
Yakutpura in Vadodara. Yesterday during the Ganpati procession a  
local dargah was broken down and shops of Muslims looted and  
ransacked. Already one boy has died and many are injured.

Last few days the only Muslim village Nandepeda in the Dangs, Gujarat  
has been attacked, ransacked. Villagers have been beaten up brutally  
including women and children. All men have fled to the jungles. The  
police not only took away all the goods but before going they poured  
kerosene into the eatable good so that they could not eat anything  
too. A proposed VHP rally today was stopped after spending 4 hours on  
the phone and pressuring various police departments.

UPA had formed the National Integration Council under tremendous  
pressure. The first agenda papers which were prepared, if you  
remember, were highly communal and objectionable. A number of us had  
raised it during the meeting and the Home Minister had replied' treat  
them as scrap' in your presence. Probably the Home Minister realized  
that people like us were too uncomfortable to have in the NIC, who  
would raise these questions. The NIC was never convened again. It was  
supposed to meet every six months.

The country unfortunately has been given on a platter to the Sangh  
and the government looks helplessly in providing security to ordinary  
citizens whether they are victims of terror attacks or victims of the  
constant attacks by the Sangh Parivar's various outfits.

We hope you will intervene and question why are such clear cases of  
involvement of RSS affiliates in terror attacks being ignored. It  
seems the investigating authorities deliberately want to cover up the  
role of RSS affiliates in these acts of terror. Can the real truth  
behind the dastardly acts come out without properly investigating  
these incidents, where the culprits' involvement is very clear? We  
urge upon you to instruct the investigating authorities to pursue the  
investigation in an unbiased, honest and professional manner. The  
life of innocent citizens is at stake and such irresponsible cover  
will definitely prevent the real truth from coming out. For the sake  
of fairness, honesty and the values of our constitution, we need to  
pursue these cases in their logical direction.

Can we look forward to you, Mr. Prime Minister to make your  
Government to rise above partisan attitude and unravel the truth  
behind the blasts which are rocking the country in a painful way?

Sincerely

Shabnam Hashmi, Member, National Integration Council
Ram Puniyani, Social Activist, and writer

o o o

(ii)

SAHMAT
8, Vithalbhai Patel House, Rafi Marg
New Delhi-110001
Telephone-23711276/ 23351424
e-mail-sahmat at vsnl.com

16.9.2008

PRESS STATEMENT

With the shock and trauma of the serial bombings in Delhi yet to wear  
off, we are distressed to see the manner in which elements of the  
saffron brigade are seeking to make political capital out of a  
national tragedy by pushing for a special law on terrorism. We are  
struck by the irony that the saffron brigade is concurrently  
orchestrating a mass campaign of bigotry and lawlessness that began  
in Orissa and has now spread to Karnataka and even threatens hitherto  
tolerant and peaceful Kerala.

We are convinced that the people and the state authorities in Kerala  
will swiftly contain the threat to the peace in their state. But with  
the mob frenzy in Orissa and Karnataka being abetted by conniving  
state governments, we fear that the turmoil and suffering inflicted  
on the Christian communities may yet escalate.

We are convinced that the approach to terrorism that the Hindutva  
parties have been advocating is wrong-headed and susceptible to gross  
abuses. At the same time, we believe that the lawlessness the  
Hindutva formations foment and the impunity they enjoy in their  
campaign of violence against religious minorities, creates fertile  
breeding grounds for terrorism. We condemn the terrorism of the mob  
just as strongly as we condemn the terrorism of the bomb.

Before making the case for a new law on terrorism, the BJP and its  
friends need to learn respect for the law as it now stands. Since the  
governments in Orissa and Karnataka have shown that they are on the  
side of lawlessness, we urge civil society in these states to stand  
firm against the outbreak of religious bigotry and where necessary,  
impart the necessary lessons to the Hindutva forces in honouring the  
law of the land.

Ram Rahman, Vivan Sundaram, M.K.Raina, Madan Gopal Singh, Sohail  
Hashmi and Indira Chandrasekhar

o o o

(iii)

Prashant
Post Box No.4050, Navrangpura, Ahmedabad 380 009, Gujarat,India
http://www.humanrightsindia.in/

STATEMENT CONDEMNING THE ATTACKS ON CHRISTIANS AND CHURCHES IN KARNATAKA

We strongly condemn the brutal attacks in Mangalore and surrounding  
areas, on Christians and their institutions (specially places of  
worship) by the goons of the Sangh Parivar

They have assaulted innocent and peace-loving people, vandalized  
property, desecrated places of worship and created terror everywhere.  
Such behaviour is totally unacceptable in civil society and all of us  
need to hang our heads down in shame.

Above all, we condemn the partisan role played by the police and the  
District Administration there.

National TV channels have extensively covered the brutal manner in  
which the police have beaten up citizens in the Sacred Precincts of  
Churches. It is also understood that in some places, police refused  
to file FIRs or to register complaints. These are totally  
reprehensible acts and are not expected from those who are supposed  
to protect the lives and property of citizens.

The attacks in Karnataka by these fascist, fundamentalist and anti- 
national forces, follow exactly the same pattern as that of Orissa,  
Chattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Gujarat. These affiliates  
of the BJP take law and order into their own hands in total  
connivance with the State Administration. In fact, the Chief Minister  
and Home Minister of Karnataka have gone on record to give their  
followers a clean chit inspite of documentary evidence to prove  
otherwise.

The Sangh Parivar affiliates are terrorist groups and they should be  
banned immediately.

The Central Government should monitor the Karnataka situation very  
closely and if the situation does not improve immediately, it would  
definitely warrant the dismissal of the Government and the imposition  
of President’s Rule.

People from all walks of life must come out in large numbers in  
Karnataka and in other parts of the country, to protest the heinous  
acts of such terrorist outfits who are out to destroy the diversity  
and secular fabric of the country.

It is imperative that we make our voices heard to protect and  
safeguard the freedoms and guarantees of the Indian Constitution.

- Fr. Cedric Prakash sj
Director

o o o

(iv)

The Hindu
September 17, 2008

Editorial
IN SEARCH OF AN ENEMY

The attacks on Christian prayer halls in Karnataka, following close  
on the heels of attacks on churches and Christian institutions in  
Orissa, reveal the hand of organised groups operating with a sinister  
political agenda. While the violent incidents in Orissa were  
triggered by the murder of an anti-conversion Hindu activist, Swami  
Lakshmanananda, and in at least some cases passed off as spontaneous,  
the attacks in Karnataka have all the markings of a systematic,  
planned as sault on the minority community. The coordinated violence,  
spread across several districts, could not have been the handiwork of  
stray elements working in isolation. Even in Orissa, organised  
Hindutva groups were quick to hijack the agitation protesting the  
killing of the swami; for days together, they terrorised the minority  
community in the communally sensitive district of Kandhamal. The  
circumstances of the swami’s killing, as also the identity and  
motives of the killers, are far from clear even now: indeed  
preliminary investigations point to the hand of a Maoist fringe  
group, calling itself the People’s Liberation Revolutionary Group.  
However, for the Hindutva elements in Orissa or in Karnataka, a  
little-known, mostly invisible fringe group is a worthless target. In  
keeping with their own communal politics, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad  
and the Bajrang Dal, which have a history of confrontation with  
Christian missionary groups in Orissa, have sought to blame Christian  
community leaders for the killing, and held up the subsequent  
violence as retribution.

Why Karnataka should feel the heat of a communal flare-up now is not  
difficult to fathom. With a government led by the Bharatiya Janata  
Party assuming office in May, communal politics acquired a new  
dimension in the South. Even in the absence of provocation, communal  
outfits need to create objects of hate and spew venom merely to  
survive. After riding to power on the back of the failings of  
successive governments, the BJP appears to be looking for communal  
polarisation of vote banks to consolidate its electoral hold.  
Building up support among the people on the basis of good governance  
is a far more arduous task than carving out electoral bases on the  
basis of divisive politics. With the Lok Sabha general election just  
months away, the BJP might be tempted to take recourse to the  
politics of hate in order to make short-term electoral gains in  
Karnataka. In the long-term, however, such politics offer limited  
purchase. Thuggish behaviour by the extremist fringe of the saffron  
brigade undermines national unity and constitutes a grave affront to  
the values of India’s historical civilisation.

o o o

(v)

Deccan Herald
September 17, 2008
Editorial

RETURN OF HINDUTVA
The BJP is reasserting its old electoral planks.

The most important message that has emerged from the Bharatiya Janata  
Party’s national executive meeting in Bangalore is that the party is  
getting ready for the elections at the state and national levels. It  
has an important stake in the assembly elections to be held this year  
in five states — Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh, Delhi and  
Jammu and Kashmir. It is the ruling party in three of them and has to  
come back to power fighting anti-incumbency sentiments and internal  
dissensions. The Lok Sabha elections which may be held in the early  
part of next year will be the big test for the party under the new  
leadership. For the first time the BJP is going to the polls without  
A B Vajpayee at the helm and with L K Advani as its presumptive prime  
minister.

Therefore it was natural that the party launched its poll campaign  
from Bangalore with the Vijay Sankalp Yatra and has identified the  
main themes of the campaign. It has reasserted its old political  
planks like appeasement of minorities and the UPA government’s soft  
policy on terror, with even the issue of Article 370 taken out from  
under the carpet by party president Rajnath Singh in his inaugural  
address. Even outlandish ideas like nationalisation of the Amarnath  
yatra route and creating a special enclave for Pandits in Kashmir  
were thrown up. It seems the party is building up a poll platform  
with issues revolving around Hindutva taking the centre-stage and  
price rise and the nuclear deal bringing up the rear.

The focus on Hindutva is clear from the importance given to Gujarat  
chief minister Narendra Modi in the deliberations and decision- 
making. The political resolution bears the stamp of Modi and he has  
emerged as the mascot of the party, next only to  Advani.  It is  
clear that though Advani has been projected as the candidate for  
prime ministership, the party will give Modi a key role in the  
campaign in the coming months. It is too early to say whether this  
means a settlement of the issue of leadership after  Advani. There is  
also uncertainty over whether the party’s alliance partners, such as  
whoever remains in the NDA, will be comfortable with the thrust of  
the party’s campaign plan and with Modi’s elevated role. The  
alliances are in fact still in the making, not only in the BJP camp  
but elsewhere too, and therefore it will still be some time before  
the line-up is clear.

o o o

(vi)

Kashmir Times
September 5, 2008
Editorial

THRIVING UPON WEAKNESSES IN SECULAR POLITY
BJP's Bangalore conclave an exercise in beating old war drums

The BJP's Bangalore conclave has produced nothing really new apart,  
of course, from accentuating the virulence of its sectarian agenda.  
The pattern of such gatherings organised primarily to queer the pitch  
for elections has remained substantially unchanged since early 1990s  
when the BJP first harvested the political gains of its agenda in the  
wake of LK Advani's 'rathyatra' leading to demolition of Babri Masjid  
in 1992. The country had had to pay a heavy price, indeed the price  
continues to be paid even today and with 'interest', for BJP's  
electoral gains. Recent communal violence in the tribal belt of  
Orissa is a case in the point. The trouble there fuelled by the VHP  
has widened the schism between the Hindu and Christian communities  
which is fraught with still more serious consequences. Orissa  
incidents are echoing in Madhya Pradesh which happens to be under the  
BJP rule. These disturbing developments reveal a scary familiar  
pattern. The BJP's brazen duplicity in swooping to exploit communally  
charged fear psychosis for electoral gains and then wearing a fake  
secularist label to forge opportunistic power-capturing combinations  
has remained unexposed because of the ideological insincerity of its  
rivals in the field. Lack of commitment to pluralistic secular  
ideology runs through the expedient politics prevailing in the  
country today. The biggest gainer of this duplicity has been the  
Sangh Parivar of whose political prop the BJP is.

The Bangalore conclave spent quite a lot of time on venting the BJP's  
extremist line on Jammu and Kashmir. Its concern for rehabilitation  
of displaced community of Kashmiri Pandits would have carried weight  
if the record of the BJP's own NDA government at the centre from 1999  
to 2004 had anything to show by way of implementation of its old  
promises. The NDA government's track record is no different from its  
successor whom the BJP is seeking to put in the dock. The election- 
oriented old agenda has only been dusted off. The new point added to  
it is the demand for 'nationalisation' of the Amarnath yatra route.  
What that means in actual terms has not been spelt out, obviously  
because the father of the idea, Rajnath Singh, himself has no clear  
idea of what he was talking about. At this point of time the only  
conclusion one can draw from articulation of such a vague proposition  
is that the BJP is seeking to keep the pot of controversy boiling. It  
is not difficult to understand as to why the party is seeking to fish  
in the troubled waters of J&K. The BJP tried hard to prolong the just  
concluded Jammu agitation, not out of concern for the demands of the  
agitating population, but to prolong it and exploit the polarised  
situation in the coming elections. The BJP's track record shows that  
its position on pure merit in J&K is pretty low, hence resort to  
habitual gimmickry. Politicking apart, the party would do service to  
this state and its people if only it refrains from igniting the fire  
again. The issue is best left to be sorted out between the people and  
local authorities who have just concluded an agreement. BJP's yet- 
again revived concern for Kashmiri Pandits' rehabilitation lacks  
conviction in the face of the party's track record.

The party's line of action on the issue of terrorism also suffers  
from the same lacuna. With POTA in place and all the security and  
intelligence apparatus at its direct command, the NDA government led  
by the BJP could not prevent or curb serious incidents of terrorist  
violence across the country, from Jammu to Gujarat. So long as the  
BJP's political agenda remains clouded by its narrow communal vision  
the party is unlikely to prove its credentials if and when it comes  
to power. The party would render a great service to its followers if  
it realises the ultimate folly of hawking its petty interests as  
'national interests'. If anything, the two are in direct conflict in  
several ways. Till this difference prevails the Indian nation would  
continue to be a loser whenever the BJP happens to be a gainer, and  
vice versa.


_______


[4]

A HOUSE FOR SHABANA AZMI
by Ram Puniyani

One of the major contributions of Shabana Azmi in the arena of human  
rights was to work for the housing rights. It was ironical that the  
actor of such exceptional talents and the social activist with such  
dedication and commitment was denied the purchase of house, not once  
but twice in the locality of her choice. Voicing her pain she did  
comment in a TV show that Indian democracy is being unfair to the  
Muslims and recounted her experience. (August 2008). Apart from other  
people, a few from film community swooped on her, criticizing her  
statement as false, irresponsible, communal and what not! Even the  
actor of stature of Shatrughan Sinha criticized and admonished her.

One journalist from a prominent newspaper wanted to prove her wrong;  
he rang up few builders from his plush office and came to the  
conclusion that there is no discrimination in the selling of houses.  
One of the film persons stooped to the level of counting Azmi’s  
houses, and said that if Muslims are denied they should be living on  
the streets! Such ‘brilliant’ logic in a sensitive socio political  
issue can only be expected from those who live in the ivory towers  
unaware of the social realities.

To begin with, it is a not an issue as to how many houses Azmi owns.  
The point is that she wished to buy a particular house and the broker  
told her she cannot get it as she is a Muslim. Muslims are not living  
on streets, but a large section of them has to live in ghettos, is  
known to all and sundry barring the one’s wearing saffron glasses.  
There are colonies of Parsis and Jains and vegetarians who do not let  
those not belonging to their ilk to buy the flats in their colonies.  
This trend can neither be idolized nor be compared to the large  
social phenomenon of Muslims being denied housing, as these  
communities (Jains, Parsis) themselves are too tiny, their reasons  
and their inward looking tendencies are retrograde but having  
different socio-psychological reasons. The case of Muslims came more  
to the fore from the decades of Nineties, after the communal politics  
has started threatening the democratic polity in a serious way,  
resulting in increase in the intensity of communal violence.

The Mumbai violence of 92-93 was followed by the internal migration  
of the battered minority. Many from minority were displaced or chose  
to shift to areas, which may be safer for them, Mumbra, Jogeshwari,  
Bhendi Bazar being the foremost. Incidentally the population of  
Mumbra before the violence was less than a lakh; today it is more  
than 7 Lakhs! Similarly many a friends from minority community sold  
their houses in the mixed areas to shift to the Muslim majority  
areas, increasing the pressure on civic amenities in those areas.

In Gujarat also ‘borders’, ‘Gaza Strips’ have come up to supplement  
the ‘mini Pakistans’. As the extent of myths, biases, stereotypes  
against minorities are going through the roof, the mental partitions  
are created and these partitions get converted in to the ones of  
brick and mortar. The communal partitions are the definite aftermath  
of the communal violence. In Gujarat, the victims of violence were  
not permitted to return into their own houses, even the written  
undertakings were demanded from the victims that they will not seek  
legal justice for whatever happened to them during the violence.

Today, six years after the Gujarat carnage, nearly five lakhs Muslims  
have to live in isolated ghettoes, and that too in abysmal  
situations. The extension of civic and other amenities to these areas  
is conspicuous by its absence. Water, sanitation, health, education,  
banking and other amenities and facilities are not reaching these  
areas. These internally displaced people are being helped only by  
conservative Muslim groups, who are competing with each other in  
increasing their area of influence amongst them. This is also  
becoming the zone with poverty, illiteracy, hunger, disease and  
misery. These conditions are worst in the whole of state. Since the  
state is shirking from its basic responsibilities of provision of  
infrastructure for social life, the Muslim fundamentalist groups are  
providing the same and are also having a field day in these areas.  
Who is to blame for this, a particular religion or the communal  
politics which not only resulted in the massive genocide but even now  
is dictating the state policies by abandoning the responsibilities of  
the victims of violence and others from minorities who have felt  
insecure and shifted or were made to shift in these areas!

The message of communal agenda manifested through violence and  
through creating difficult situation for minorities is now isolating  
them in most parts of India. So one can see the trajectory of  
violence as follows, it begins with pre violence biases, stereotypes,  
then violence, post violence neglect, isolation, ghettoization and  
finally leads to partitioning of the national community at emotional  
and physical level.

The communal violence always polarizes the communities. In the  
initial phase till, say the seventies, the ghettoisation was minimal.  
 From the decade of nineties, on one hand the communal violence has  
gone into higher gear, ‘hate other’ sentiments have worsened and this  
‘non sale of housing units to the Muslim minority’ started becoming  
unwritten norm. What can be more ironical than the fact that a  
housing rights activist herself is denied the house, just because she  
carries a Muslim name!

The second irony is that the RSS politics, which is based on  
Brahminical values, codes of Manu in a modern form, the caste system  
in a subtle form, which disguises it by coining the term ‘integral  
nationalism’ is creating new ghettoes. The traditional Varna system  
created the ghettoes for untouchables. This social thinking, finding  
place in Brahiminical tomes justified the exclusion of dalits from  
the villages. So separate housing for them. Typically Maharwadas  
(dalit ghettoes outside villages) in Maharashtra were the norm. Now  
the same thinking is creating new untouchables, and so barring few  
exceptions the average and even middle class Muslims have to look for  
housing in ‘special areas’.

Critics of Azmi deliberately overlook the social reality being  
created due to the politics of communalism. Due to the rise of  
communal violence, due to the social common thinking which is  
becoming worse by the day, its worst culmination goes on to equate  
terrorism with Islam and Muslims.

Most of those involved with social work do come across such cases of  
discrimination times and over again. No builder in majority, mixed  
area is going to put the hoarding that Muslims are not acceptable, it  
operates subtly. There have been sting operations also where this  
fact has been brought to light. Surely going by Azmi’s experience,  
one only feels that now even a person totally seeped in Indian-ness,  
upholding human ethos with utmost sincerity, can also be denied house  
because of her Muslim name! Normally it should be a matter of honor  
that such an accomplished actor and committed rights activist lives  
in one’s neighbouhood. If she is denied the house the only inference  
is that the communal partitions are near total.

Where is national integration? During freedom movement, the major  
task of father of the nation was to cultivate and highlight the  
national Indian community. That’s how people of different religions  
joined the movement, shoulder to shoulder to build Indian nation,  
Indian community. What is going on with the rise of communalism is  
not merely the violence against this or that community; it is an  
assault on the values of Indian nationhood, on the values emerging  
from freedom movement. We do need a second freedom movement, freedom  
from communal mindset, freedom from the divisive politics in the name  
of religion?


_______


[5]

Hindustan Times
September 15, 2008

FAITH ACCOMPLI

by Soumitro Das

The violence against Christians in Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and now in  
Karnataka should be seen at various levels .

First, funding. Nobody seems to know exactly how much money the VHP  
receives from abroad. The only figure we have is $1.7 million from  
the India Development and Relief Fund (IDRF) that raises money from  
individuals and corporations in the United States (including Cisco  
and Sun Microsystems) to distribute them among a plethora of Sangh  
parivar agencies, some of whom work for ‘tribal welfare’.

On the Christian side, thanks to the Foreign Contributions Regulation  
Act, the Home Ministry is in possession of  the Annual Report on  
Foreign Contributions for 2005-06.  It lays out in minute detail the  
funds received by churches and Christian organisations in India. We  
know, for example, that the top donors are church-based or Christian- 
inspired organisations from the US, Britain, Germany, the Netherlands  
and Italy. We also know that a greater part of the funds — Rs 7,785  
crore — goes to mainly Christian and church-based organisations in  
India. According to the Home Ministry’s analysis, the major part of  
the fund is spent on disaster relief and establishment costs. Welfare  
of scheduled tribes get only Rs 25 crore and welfare of scheduled  
Castes only Rs 9 crore. The rest of the money goes into social work —  
building of schools, colleges, hospitals, etc. Nowhere is the word  
proselytisation mentioned. There are also no records of mass  
conversions.

Hence, the Sangh parivar’s argument that Christian charitable and  
social work is a disguise to convert ‘innocent, illiterate’ tribals  
and Dalits is a lie — at least as  far as the records go. The Home  
Ministry report also tells us that the bulk of the money is spent in  
Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Delhi — not in Orissa or Gujarat.

Now to come to the violence at  Kandhmal in Orissa. The man,  
Laxmananda Saraswati, whose murder had sparked off the latest round  
of violence, was a VHP sant who was at the forefront of the VHP’s  
ghar wapasi (‘home coming’) movement that consisted of reconverting  
tribals and Dalits who had been converted by the Christian missionaries.

At one level, the violence that followed Saraswati’s death was a  
result of a century-old conflict between the tribal Kandhs and the  
Dalit Pano. The former accuse the latter of stealing their land,  
aided by missionaries who, on their part, continue to occupy land  
that belongs to the state. The Panos who have converted to  
Christianity in large numbers are clamouring for Scheduled Tribe  
status because their conversion  has not mitigated the effects of  
caste prejudice against them. .

Conversion has two dimensions to it. In the first place, it is an  
intensely personal affair.  This individual repudiation of Hinduism  
rattles the VHP beyond measure. It means that the tribal or the Dalit  
is no longer bound by any fate or destiny, but is,  a free agent who  
can transform his life by changing his value and belief system.

The second dimension of conversion is that it is a political act.  
When an entire community is converted, it has revolutionary  
implications. What does it mean for a Dalit to convert to  
Christianity? To know that, one has to understand where the Dalit is  
coming from. He lives beyond the pale of ‘caste Hindu’ society the  
jobs that he  does are considered the most filthy . He does not have  
the right to use a mechanised transport, wear nice clothes, or  
jewellery. His house is frequently burned, his women are routinely  
raped.

Then, he finds a God who, like him, suffered excruciating pain, who  
chose his  disciples among the poor and the wretched and gave his own  
life  so that others could find  salvation through his  suffering.   
The Dalit also understands that, in the light of Jesus’ story, the  
Hindus do not seem to have a moral order instead of good and evil,  
Hinduism deals in the categories of ritual cleanliness and  
uncleanliness. The community, fortified by its realisation that the  
Hindu world view is only one among many others and not even of the  
most superior kind, gradually revolts and crosses over to Christianity.

Thus what began as a conversion of an individual ends as a collective  
revolt against the oppression,and   the inhuman humiliations of caste  
society. That is what the VHP and the Sangh parivar do not want. They  
want to crush this revolt.

______


[6]

PHONEY JIHADIS, REAL CULPRITS !

by Subhash Gatade

Ramvilas Vedanti, a senior leader of the VHP, refuses to remain out  
of controversies for very long.

If last year he was caught in a sting operation by CNN-IBN alongwith  
many leading stalwarts of the spiritual world  'explaining how he  
changes black money into white albeit with little bit of commission',  
this year he reached headlines when he issued 'death sentence to Mr  
Karunanidhi supposedly for 'insulting Lord Ram'. One still remembers  
how he asked Muslims to 'vacate' the Parikrama area of Ayodhya after  
the 'terrorist attack in Ayodhya' with a specious argument that their  
presence in the area creates a feeling of insecurity. It is true that  
if one were to  create a rating for making provocative statements  
then there would not be much controversy over the fact that Vedanti  
like his more famous colleagues in VHP is not very far behind.

But the latest controvery is a bizarre one.

On 30 th August he lodged a complaint with the Faizabad police  
alleging that he is receiving death threats from SIMI and Al-Qaeda .  
The district administration promptly provided him with additional  
security and his mobile phone was placed under electronic  
surveillance to track down the miscreants. And lo and behold ! Forget  
Al Qaeda or SIMI, to everyone's dismay the police caught Ramessh  
Tiwari, city president of Bajrang Dal in Katra and Pawan Pandey, a  
local convenor of Hindu Yuva Vahini from Katra in Gonda district.

The duo told the police that since their Guruji ( Ramvilas Vedanti)  
was not getting Z category security as enjoyed by VHP leaders like  
Ashok Singhal and Praveen Togadia, they took this step 'after Guruji  
gave us the consent'. It was obvious that Vedanti did not press the  
police to take any legal action against them and the duo was promptly  
released. ( Indian Express, 15 th Sept 2008).

One can just imagine the mayhem followers of Vedanti could have  
created and how they could have tried to polarise the whole  
atmosphere on communal lines if the police had not shown alertness.

It was worth emphasising that recently a group of sadhus led by  
Mahant Yugal Kishore Shastri, who is a Mahant of Saryu Kunj temple  
which is adjacent to the disputed Ram temple in Ayodhya, demanded  
legal action against Vedanti. A memorandum signed by 100 sadhus has  
been despatched to the Chief Minister's office demanding immediate  
arrest of Vedanti 'for conspiring to create communal violence in  
Ayodhya and adjoining areas.' It is also learnt that since Vedanti,  
an ex MP is also contemplating to contest the elections from Gonda,  
he was keen to create a riot type situation there.

A look down memory lane reveals that there was nothing 'creative' in  
the complaint lodged by Vedanti with the local police. In fact he was  
just copying one of his own colleagues from the Ram Mandir movement
It was only last year that Anil Chamadia, a leading journalist, media  
critic and social activist in his column on media affairs in the  
hindi magazine 'Kathadesh' provided details of a similar case when  
Mahant Nrityagopal Dal of the Ramjanambhoomi  Nyas supposedly  
received a threat 'at the hands of the Al-Qaeda.' The newspapers also  
took up the case of the threat received by him in a big way claiming  
it to be a failure on part of the government to provide security to  
'patriots'.Alongwith a fourty lined newsitem about this 'threat' a  
separate box item was added giving details of Ashok Singhal's and  
Praveen Togadia's reaction to the whole affair.

Mr Purushottam Narayan, a leader of the VHP even claimed that a  
'threat to the Mahant is a challenge thrown by Al-Qaeda before the  
whole Hindu society which necessiates 'unity of Hindus at every level'.

The very next day truth about the whole affair was out. Santosh, one  
of the disciples of the Mahant was arrested in Haridwar and he  
revealed that he had himself written this letter as his Guruji  
(Nrityagopal Das) was not getting Z category security as enjoyed by  
VHP leaders like Ashok Singhal and Praveen Togadia. It was worth  
noting that the newspaper which had printed the 'threat received by  
Nrityagopal Das did not deem it necessary to publish the denial of  
the charges.

One can just go on citing examples where close associates of the  
saffron brigade engage in acts which go to stigmatise particular  
communities and strengthening negative attitude towards them.

While the followers of Vedanti or Nritya Gopal Das tried to utilise  
and further buttress the threat posed by the likes of Al Qaeda or  
SIMI their other brethren in the Hindutva brigade have no qualms in  
engaging in real terrorist acts  by taking up a fake identity  
resembling a member of a minority community.

The Nanded bomb blast on 6 th April 2006 which killed two activists  
of Bajrang Dal has demonstrated how these Hindu terrorists engage in  
meticulous preparations to fake their identity. The fake beards and  
clothes worn by the minority community recovered from the  
perpetrators of the act demonstrated the modus operandi of these  
fanatics.

_______


[7]

Hindustan Times,
September 16, 2008
	
NO MUMBAIKAR IS AN ISLAND

by Debashish Mukerji

The reluctance of Maharashtra’s leading politicians to vigorously  
oppose Raj Thackeray’s poisonous agenda is not only reprehensible,  
but also incomprehensible. Conventional political wisdom has it that,  
with both Lok Sabha and Assembly elections due next year, they dare  
not be seen supporting ‘outsiders’ in the state, for fear of  
alienating Marathi-speaking voters. But is such apprehension justified?

Political pundits assume that the Shiv Sena achieved its present key  
position in Maharashtra’s politics by projecting itself as a champion  
of the Marathi-speaking, and targeting non-Maharashtrians in the  
state. They claim that Raj Thackeray’s shenanigans are an effort to  
wean away a section of that vote-bank — the bigger the better.

But the fact is that the Sena targeted outsiders — particularly,  
South Indians — for only a few years after its birth in the  
mid-1960s. And how far did it take the party? Through that entire  
period — and many years thereafter as well — the party’s influence  
extended — as the late columnist Busybee used to memorably put it —  
“all the way from Lalbaug to Parel” (two adjoining working class  
Mumbai localities). It remained a cipher in state politics, hardly  
winning any assembly seats.

The startling rise of the Shiv Sena from the mid-1980s was due to two  
reasons. The first was Sharad Pawar’s decision in 1986 to merge his  
Janata Dal unit into the Congress, leaving the opposition space  
empty. The Shiv Sena — and to a lesser extent, the BJP — occupied it.  
The second was a calculated decision by Sena supremo Bal Thackeray to  
stop targeting Southerners and demonise the religious minorities —  
especially Muslims — instead. In the communally charged atmosphere of  
the late 1980s and early 1990s, brought about by the Ayodhya  
movement, the Sena’s vituperative anti-Muslim stance proved a poll  
winner.

Even so, just how much of Maharashtra’s vote does the Sena control?  
In the 1995 assembly election, the only one so far it has been able —  
in alliance with the BJP — to win, it captured just 17.33 per cent of  
the total votes cast, getting 73 of the 288 Assembly seats, its  
highest tally so far. (In the 2004 Assembly poll, its vote share was  
a tad higher at 20 per cent, though it got fewer seats.) So why on  
earth is the Sena regarded as the sole thekedar of Maharashtrian  
interests, when not more than a fifth of the state’s voters have  
voted for it even once?

There are a few Indian states where anti-outsider sentiment is  
palpable. These are usually small, far-off states with limited native  
populations, which do indeed fear they may be ‘swamped’ — and their  
culture and identity eroded — by the influx of people from the more  
populous ones. In certain cases, where the fears were found  
legitimate, laws have been passed making it difficult for outsiders  
to buy property and settle. Some northeastern states have the ‘inner  
line permit’ system in place, which even restricts the entry of  
outsiders.

But Maharashtra — one of the most-advanced states in the country — is  
emphatically not one of them. Once he tests electoral waters, Raj  
Thackeray — unless he changes his political plank — is almost certain  
to drown. The only regret is that he is giving the hapless Marathi  
manoos a reputation for being rabidly xenophobic that is totally  
undeserved.


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Buzz for secularism, on the dangers of fundamentalism(s), on
matters of peace and democratisation in South
Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit
citizens wire service run since 1998 by South
Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/
SACW archive is available at: http://sacw.net/pipermail/sacw_insaf.net/

DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.