SACW | March 26-27, 2007 | Pakistan Cricket Team / Sri Lanka's displaced / India: anti fascist tribunal, secular schools, farmers, fundamentalists in Tamil Nadu, UK: Secularism and Muslims
Harsh Kapoor
aiindex at mnet.fr
Tue Mar 27 03:05:07 CDT 2007
South Asia Citizens Wire | March 26-27, 2007 | Dispatch No. 2383 - Year 9
[1] This innuendo about the Pakistan team is a disgrace (Mike Marqusee)
[2] Sri Lanka: More than One Third of Tamils in
B'Caloa Dist are Displaced (D.B.S. Jeyaraj)
[3] India: Independent Tribunal on Rise of
Fascist Forces and the Attack on the Secular State
[4] India: Gyan Vigyan Vidyalaya - Schools for
Democracy, Secularism, Equity and Scientific
Temper
[5] UK: Muslims can benefit from secularism and
the debate it encourages (Reem Maghribi)
[6] India: The situation in Bastar
[7] India: National Farmers Rally against SEZ: A
small report (Aseem Shrivastava)
[8] India: In Tamil Nadu, fundamentalists play
moral cops, even kill (Jaya Menon)
[9] Book Review: Culture and colonialism (Nalini Taneja)
[10] Publication announcement: The Politics
Behind Anti-Christian Violence by Ram Puniyani
[11] Upcoming Events:
(i) 150 years of South Asian Resistance - 1857 (London, 30 March 2007)
(ii) Nigah Queer Fest'07 (New Delhi, May 25 to June 3, 2007)
(iii) Winter Course on Forced Migration (Kolkata,1-15 December 2007)
____
[1]
The Guardian
March 26, 2007
THIS INNUENDO ABOUT THE PAKISTAN TEAM IS A DISGRACE
Reaction to the murder of cricket coach Bob
Woolmer has more to do with stereotyping and
hyperbole than the facts
Mike Marqusee
It is a serious matter - as umpire Darrell Hair
found out - to accuse a team, purely on the basis
of supposition, of cheating to win a cricket
match. It is an even more serious matter to
accuse a team, or a player, of taking bribes to
lose a match. But to accuse a player or a team of
being involved in the death of their coach raises
the stakes by several orders of magnitude.
Hyperbole may be the bane of sports journalism,
but the unsubtle innuendo linking Pakistani
cricketers to Bob Woolmer's ghastly murder goes
beyond sensationalism. The rush to judgment here
is fuelled by that other bane of sports
journalism, national stereotyping.
Pakistan's shock loss to cricketing minnows
Ireland, which led to their elimination from the
World Cup, is said to be "under the microscope".
The implication is that the match was fixed and
that this is somehow related to Woolmer's murder.
As conspiracy theories go, this one is
particularly weak.
Given the team's abject performance on the day,
virtually all the players would have had to have
been bribed and the bribes would have had to have
been on a colossal scale - sufficient to
compensate for the huge financial loss, public
humiliation, and termination of careers that
would accompany an early exit from the cup.
Neither the putative motive nor means are
credible here.
There is, to hand, an alternative explanation: in
recent months Pakistan has played dreadfully
inconsistent cricket. Weeks before the players'
arrival in the West Indies they were beaten by
South Africa 3-1, bowled out once for a measly
107 and then for a barely more respectable 153.
Ireland had already pulled off a surprise by
tying with Zimbabwe days before encountering
Pakistan.
The fact that three members of Pakistan's squad,
including the captain, Inzamam-ul-Haq, were
questioned by police on Saturday was blazed in
banner headlines. That police immediately
confirmed the questioning was routine and
declared that the entire team was free to leave
the country was buried in the columns below.
But never mind the facts, it's easier to stick to
stereotypes. We all know that south Asians take
their cricket too seriously (which they do), that
corruption is rife in these societies (which is
true), and that wiliness and duplicity are part
of the oriental (or Muslim) character (which is
idiocy).
Since the Irish humiliation, the Pakistan cricket
management - the chairman of the cricket board,
the selectors and the captain - have all
resigned. This represents an instance of rapid
accountability exceptional in either the cricket
world or in Pakistani public life. Significantly,
it leaves Pakistan cricket entirely in the hands
of its "patron in chief", General Musharraf.
While "factionalism" is often cited as a source
of the malaise of Pakistani cricket, little is
said about the bugbear of authoritarianism. The
US-backed military dictatorship - which controls
all the cricket structures - is treated by the
cricket media as a natural state of affairs.
Ironically, in recent days, the English-language
Pakistani press has displayed a greater sense of
proportion than its British counterparts. The
headlines there have been about the clash between
Musharraf and the judiciary. On March 9, the
general sacked the chief justice, who was then
roughed up and confined to his house. Soon after,
lawyers protesting in Lahore were baton-charged
and tear-gassed by police, who also vandalised an
independent TV station in Islamabad. After eight
and a half years in power, Musharraf clearly has
no intention of loosening his grip. That is
rightly considered bigger news than the
disappointment on the field and the tragedy off
it which have beset the cricketers.
Can I propose a ban on the use of the word
"volatile" by British journalists in relation to
Pakistani (or south Asian) cricket? Like cliches
in general, it's a tell-tale sign of a failure to
reflect, and from a media addicted to the
heroes-to-zeroes script, somewhat hypocritical:
witness the wild mood swings that accompanied
England's entry and exit from the football World
Cup and Freddie Flintoff's transformation from
Ashes messiah to pedalo piss-artist?
Virtually all contemporary societies take sport
too seriously. That's not about national
cultures, it's about global economics. Thanks to
the IT and media explosions, international sport
is becoming ever bigger business and consuming an
ever larger slice of public attention. Hence the
escalating investments by broadcasters, sponsors
and advertisers, and, on the other side of the
equation, the atomisation of spectators and the
decline of other forms of collective
identification.
The Jamaican police and the ICC should rigorously
investigate any possible link between Woolmer's
murder and match-fixing. But for the moment, what
remains most disturbing is the juxtaposition of
the triviality of sport with the taking of a
human life. That's hard for any of us to
assimilate.
· Mike Marqusee is the author of Anyone But
England: An Outsider Looks at English Cricket
_____
[2]
Transcurrents
March 16th, 2007
MORE THAN ONE THIRD OF TAMILS IN B'CALOA DIST ARE DISPLACED
by D.B.S. Jeyaraj
Batticaloa , the only Tamil majority district in
the Eastern province is becoming a region of
internally displaced persons. With the recent
three - tiered military offensive by the army,
special task force and air force, inflicting
terrible destruction on civilian areas massive
displacement is taking place. According to latest
figures supplied by officials at Batticaloa
district secretariat more than one - third of
B'caloa's Tamil population of 422, 674 are now
displaced.
According to civil administration figures the
number of IDP's registered with the Govt was 156,
384 on Thursday March 15th. Of these 21,497 are
from the Trincomalee district and 7,654 from the
Koralaipattru north (Vaakarai) AGA division. The
rest are from five AGA divisions dominated by the
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).
The AGA divisions concerned are Poratheevupattru
(Vellaveli) Pattippalai (Kokkaticholai) Manmunai
West (Vavunatheevu)Koralaipattru West (Kiran) and
Eravoorpattru (Chenkalladdy). According to
revised figures from the B'caloa secretariat 145,
619 people from 32, 565 families were living in
these areas. Though the greater part of these
five divisions were under LTTE control
significant parts , particularly in the littoral,
were under Govt control.
More than 127, 000 displaced people from these
five divisions are registered with the Dist
secretariat as IDP's. Tens of thousands were
displaced in the latest military offensive
codenamed "Operation human shield".Many of the
earlier IDP's of registered IDP's are staying
independently with friends and relatives. The
rest both "old and new" IDP's are housed at 89
camps called welfare centers. In addition to
these registered 156, 384 IDP's an estimated 15,
000 plus are yet to be registered. People in this
category are living either with relatives and
friends or living under trees.
Vaakarai or Koralaipattru North division had 14,
301 IDP's at one stage. About 6500 have been re-
settled in haphazard fashion. Most IDP's were
reluctant to go but were compelled to do so by
the authorities. If the displaced from six AGA
divisions including Koralaipattru North are taken
together the number of registered displaced
persons in Batticaloa exceeds 140, 000. If the
estimated unregistered 15, 000 IDP"s are added on
the number reaches more than 155,000. This
amounts to more than one - thirds of the total
Tamil population (422, 674)in B'caloa.
The district administrative machinery is
struggling to cope with this rapid increase in
IDP's. One method resorted to is to forcibly re-
settle some of the IDP"s from Trincomalee
district in their original villages. Their
"vacancies" will be filled by the new B'caloa
refugees it is envisaged. But most IDP's are
reluctant to move out in an uncertain climate and
tensions are rising. One notable incident
illustrates the situation vividly.
Displaced persons staying at five refugee camps
in Batticaloa district were forcibly removed to
Trincomalee district in a sudden "operation"
masterminded by an Assistant Superintendent of
Police around noon on Thursday March 15th. Though
exact figures are not known NGO sources said that
nearly a thousand people were taken against their
will in thirty buses to Trincomalee district.
The Batticaloa district Government Agent or
divisional secretaries were not informed of this
action by the authorities concerned. An NGO
official said that civil administration officials
in B'caloa were totally in the dark when informed
of the incident.
A Sinhala speaking ASP had come down from
Trincomalee to supervise the entire forced re-
location. He was acting on authority provided by
the Trincomalee Government Agent who is a retired
major - general of the Sri Lankan army.
According to informed sources 30 buses were used
in the operation. Five camps for Internally
displaced persons (IDP's) staying at refugee
camps known as welfare centers were the targets.
The five camps were located at
Savukkadi,Aiyankerni, Palaacholai, Kirimutti and
Kiran in the Eravoorpattru (Chenkalladdy) and
Koralaipattru West )Kiran) AGA or Pradeshiya
divisions.
Six buses were parked near each IDP camp at five
places. Police officers brought from Trincomalee
along with Security personnel deployed in B'caloa
district swooped down on the five camps suddenly
and began forcibly removing people to the buses.
While hundreds of people fled the camps to avoid
being taken to the buses many others particularly
those senior in age were "caught".
People were forced to bring their meagre
belongings along and packed into buses. The
belongings were put in one bus while the human
cargo was packed into the other five buses parked
at each of the five camps. Some people were
cooking at the time but had to leave food and
utensils behind. Others had to leave their drying
clothes which they had washed earlier.
It is also alleged that family units were
ruptured as some children were away in temporary
"school" and other members were away at the time
or had fled.
In an operation conducted with military precision
and brute force the roughly 25 - 35 people were
herded into each of the 25 buses with Policemen
guarding them. Their belongings "travelled"
separately in five buses. The name of the ASP
from Trincomalee who "commanded" the operation is
not known.
All peeople forcibly removed were originally from
nine Grama Sevakha or Village Services divisions
in Muthur and Eechilampatru in Trinco dist. . The
nine GS divisions were Mallikaitheevu,Periyavely,
Pattithidal, Kiliveddy, Bharathypuram, Menkaamam,
Kanguveli, Iruthayapuram and Paalathadicenai.
The people are being taken to a transit camp in
Kiliveddy first. They will be re- settled in
their own villages in due course.
With displacement on a massive scale being
underway in B' caloa district due to military
action the Govt is now planning to re- locate
IDP's from Trincomalee dist to their own places
and fill the "vacancies" with new B'caloa IDP"s.
While the Tamil inhabitants of certain places
considered militarily "strategic" like Sampoor,
Koonitheevu, Senaiyoor, Ilakkanthai,
Kattaiparichaan, Ilankaithuraimuhathuvaaram,
Nallur, Pattalipuram etc in Trinco are not being
allowed to return the Govt is applying force to
re- settle others from places .
The people however are unwilling to be re-
settled as the security situation is fragile and
large - scale hostilities could break out at any
time. This could result in further displacement
tey fear.
Another problem is that all infra - structure in
Muthur and Eechilampattru divisions are
destroyed. Most dwellings too are destroyed.
Besides their belongings left behind have been
looted. Also the re- located people are being
forced to live amidst poor surroundings in
makeshift shelters akin to an IDP camp.Most
people feel it would be better to remain in
B'caloa and re- locate only after a permanent
peace is assured.
This is the reason for their reluctance to move
out. The UNHCR has emphasised that no one should
be forces to return against their will. But the
Rajapakse regime well - known for flouting
civilised norms is bent on removing this segment
of the IDP"s while creating more IDP"s through
shelling and bombing.
One reason for the Government's strong show of
force in re-locating IDP"s is the incident on
March 12th. On that day 2803 people from 771
families from Trincomalee district were
officially scheduled to be removed from the IDP
camps in B'caloa. But when 35 buses moved in most
people ran away and escaped forcible removal.
Only 781 people from 228 families were taken away.
Authorities were miffed over this incident and
Thursday's operation was a sequel to the earlier
one. Most people taken ere those who avoided re-
location on March 12th.
Meanwhile three Ministers from the North - East ,
Riyaz Badiuddeen, Basheer Segu Dawood and Ameer
Ali were attending a meeting at the Sithandy camp
to discuss matters of IDP re- settlement. They
were inaccessible to the media and it is not
known whether they were aware of this forcible
removal incident or not.
The UNHCR in a press release issued in Geneva
drew attention to the emerging crisis."The
government, through local officials, has made an
urgent appeal for immediate food assistance for
at least the next four weeks. With existing
displacement sites already overcrowded and
continued difficulties in allocating land, we are
concerned about the welfare of the displaced in
the district" the release said."As fighting
continues, more people may be forced to flee, and
we have asked the government to step up efforts
to meet the needs of the displaced."it added.
The UNHCR also referred to the pressure exerted
on IDP's to return home against their will. "At
the same time, UNHCR and other agencies are
monitoring the return of civilians from six
divisions in Batticaloa to the Trincomalee
district. The returns began yesterday." the
statement said.
"More than 300 people have already been
transported to a transit centre in Killaveddi.
The Government of Sri Lanka has assured us that
all return movements will be voluntary.
However, interagency monitoring reports from
Batticaloa indicate that heavy pressure has been
applied on internally displaced people, IDPs,
including local authority statements that
assistance will be stopped if they stay in
Batticaloa.
This pressure, coupled with security concerns in
the sites for internally displaced people, has
forced many IDPs to return to Trincomalee even
though they have expressed serious reservations
about the security situation in their areas of
origin.
UNHCR is continuing to advocate for voluntary
return, without undue pressure or duress. We have
offered to accompany the process. UNHCR insists
on removing the obstacles for return and we want
to help prepare for conducive conditions for any
return. " the statement further said.
Another disturbing development was the alleged
abduction of youths from IDP camps by the
Breakaway LTTE faction headed by Vinayagamoorthy
Muraleetharan alias "Col" Karuna.The Amnesty
International issued a statement on March 13th
over this issue. Relevant excerpts are given
below -
"Armed groups, some identified as part of a
breakaway group of Tamil Tigers known as the
Karuna faction, are infiltrating camps for newly
displaced people and abducting residents,
according to sources known to Amnesty
International.
Tens of thousands of people have been fleeing
their homes after intense fighting in the eastern
region of Batticaloa over the weekend, pushing
the number of displaced people to well over
120,000.
"We are hearing reports of armed men, wearing the
uniforms of the Karuna faction, roaming the camps
and even distributing relief goods," said Purna
Sen, Asia Pacific Direct at Amnesty
International. "The Karuna faction appears to
operate throughout Batticaloa town with the
complicity of the Sri Lankan authorities."
The military action of the Karuna faction in the
east has increased violence and displacement.
Analysts observe that the Sri Lankan Army
tolerates its military camps as the Karuna
faction has assisted in the Sri Lankan military
campaign against the Tamil Tigers.
"The people who have been forced to flee the
fighting are in an extremely vulnerable position:
they have left behind their livelihoods and their
homes, they may not know the area and they are
likely to be very scared. The government has a
responsibility to ensure that camps are safe and
civilian in nature - it is unacceptable for men
with guns to be wandering around as if they're in
control."
There have also been reports of armed men
abducting young people from internally displaced
people (IDP) camps. In one previously unreported
incident on 9 March, a 15-year-old boy was
approached by a white van as he waited for a bus
at a temple near an IDP camp. Armed men tried to
pull him into the van, but his struggling and
screams attracted a crowd and the abductors fled.
A witness said members of the Sri Lankan army
watched the incident but did not step in to help
the boy.
Food shortages and overcrowding in the camps for
displaced people are another concern and Amnesty
International is calling on the government to
ensure it provides food, water, housing and
medical care to all those who have been displaced
by the fighting.
"As the fighting continues, we fear even more
people will be forced to seek protection in the
camps - and basic necessities like food and water
will be stretched even further," said Purna Sen.
"The government must act now to ensure supplies
can meet the increasing demand."
Amnesty International is also concerned at
reports of people who have been displaced being
forced to resettle in the north of the country.
Over the weekend displaced people were asked to
leave Batticaloa to go to the north-eastern town
of Muthur. Around 40 buses transported them away;
some of the people apparently did not wish to go.
In a welcome move, the Sri Lankan government
invited the UN Secretary General's Representative
on internally displaced people to visit at the
opening of the UN Human Rights Council earlier
this week. Given the humanitarian crisis, Amnesty
International urges the government to allow the
visit to take place as soon as possible.".
Meanwhile the United Nations Emergency Relief
Coordinator called on both sides in strife-torn
Sri Lanka to allow humanitarian assistance to get
through to those civilians trapped on the
frontlines, while also highlighting the plight of
over 130,000 people in the east of the island
forced to flee their homes because of the recent
upsurge in fighting.
"I am extremely concerned that tens of thousands
of civilians have had to flee their homes once
again in eastern Sri Lanka due to the new
escalation in violence. I appeal to both parties
in the conflict to respect the lives of the
civilians in accordance with international
humanitarian law," said Under-Secretary-General
for Humanitarian Affairs John Holmes.
"My main worry at the moment is for the civilians
who have been unable to leave the conflict zones.
The UN agencies are unable to operate in
frontline areas and therefore cannot help the
civilians living there," he said. "All parties to
the Sri Lanka conflict must grant access to
humanitarian agencies so that they can help those
trapped in the crossfire."
______
[3]
INDEPENDENT PEOPLE'S TRIBUNAL ON RISE OF FASCIST
FORCES AND THE ATTACK ON THE SECULAR STATE
New Delhi: March 20-22, 2007
About three hundred women and men from different
states of India who had confronted communal
campaigns and experienced its brutality had
assembled in Delhi from 20-23 March to give their
testimony to an independent people's tribunal
organized by a Delhi based voluntary
organization, ANHAD and Human Rights Law Network.
They consisted of people who have suffered mental
and physical torture, driven out of their homes
and have lost their dear and near ones. The
testimonies rendered by them before the tribunal
have clearly demonstrated that communalization is
on a fast track in the country and a take over of
the state by fascist forces is a distinct
possibility. They shared their pain and anguish
the myriad ways in which communal forces are
expanding their sphere of influence, both through
propaganda and coercion.
Those who deposed before the tribunal came from
16 states. These included: Gujarat, Rajasthan,
Maharashtra, Goa, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh,
Jharkhand, Chattisgarh, Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil
Nadu, Orissa, Manipur, West Bengal, Nagaland,
Jammu & Kashmir. Their depositions were
supported by affidavits and documents. These
depositions clearly brought out the strategies
employed by the communal forces to further their
influence both in the rural and urban areas.
Most of these activities led to serious
violations of human rights and dignity of women.
Although, these atrocities are locally specific,
there are certain uniform, discernible
tendencies. The deionization of minorities, both
Muslims and Christians, and their consequent
marginalization and physical attack has been
noticed all over the country. It is particularly
important that the states in which the Bharatiya
Janta Party (BJP) is in power like Gujarat,
Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, this has been quite
widespread. The victims of communal aggression
have failed to get any help form the state. The
role of the police is particularly dubious, as in
most cases, the victims were not even able to
file FIR. Often it is noticed that the victims
are turned into perpetrators of crime. As a
result the minorities feel a sense of
helplessness. In most states the testimonies
indicate that a situation akin to that of Gujarat
is developing.
Another unfortunate trend is the ghettoization of
the minorities since they feel that they are not
safe in the mixed localities they tend to seek
safety in the company of co-religionists. This
actually increases a fear psychosis. Moreover, it
tends to destroy the secular character of social
life.
Several other disturbing trends were noticed
across the states. Some of these are:
Systematic clearing or dispossession of lands
belonging to the minority communities.
Communalisation of bureaucracy, especially lower
level officials, police and district
administration and the injustice faced by the
minority communities at their hands.
The emergence of a clear pattern of activities by
Hindutva forces to ferment troubles where there
may have been none.
Inroads being made by Hindutva forces among the
oppressed, i.e. the Dalits and the Tribals and
the hinduisation of their cultural practices.
The hurdles faced in advocating justice for the minority communities.
The criminal justice system in several states
appears to be under the influence of Hindutva
forces. Consequently we see clear initiatives of
false cases being foisted against innocent
Muslims and they are being forced to undergo
repression behind bars. Also no or inadequate
compensation was provided to the victims and
medical assistance to the injured was denied.
Saffronisation is increasingly impacting on
economic activity. Ghettoisation through
socio-economic boycott renders these communities
further vulnerable to other forms of violence.
The criminal justice system has failed to protect
the rights of minorities and has failed to punish
the perpetrators.
The textbooks are saffronsiationed.
Testimonies underlined an increasing role of
religious leaders in communal mobilization.
Several pamphlets with anti-minority propaganda
were circulated in different states.
The Jury of the Tribunal consisted of the
following: Prof. K.N. Panikkar, Justice Suresh,
Justice S.N. Bhargava, Dr. Asghar Ali Engineer,
Ali Asghar, Syeeda Hameed, Prof. Akoijam Bimol,
Prof. Subhranjan Dasgupta, Nikhil Wagle, Kumar
Ketkar, Dr. Sandeep Pandey, Annie Raja, Gagan
Sethi, John Dayal, Justice Hosbet Suresh, Vincent
Manoharan, Dr. Angana Chatterjee, Dr. K. M.
Shrimali, Dr. Ram Puniyani, Henri Tiphagne, Prof.
Kamal Mitra Chenoy, Jaya Mehta, Dr., Prof.
Purshottam Agarwal, S. Irfan Habib, Sheetla
Singh, Uma Chakravarty, Dr. R Vashum, Lalit
Surjan.
Tribunal Organized by: ANHAD and Human Rights Law Network (HRLN).
Supported by: Aman Samudaya, AVHRS, Insaaf,
Janvikas, Peace, People Research Society, PUCL
Rajasthan, Sandarbh, Vikas Adhyayan Kendra.
______
[4]
GYAN VIGYAN VIDYALAYA
Community Schools for Democracy, Secularism, Equity and Scientific Temper
Where as our constitution decrees that the Indian
state shall be based on values such as Democracy,
Secularism and Equality, it is a matter of grave
concern that many deliberate interventions and
actions are weakening these basic foundations of
our country. In particular, education through
certain kind of schools is being used to promote
obscurantism and hatred based on religious and
other social differences. While the struggle must
go on to pressurise the Governments to curb and
outlaw such unconstitutional educational
practices, it has become increasingly evident
that mere pleas for state intervention will not
suffice. A much more deep and extensive civil
society effort to spread values enshrined in our
constitution at grass -roots has become a dire
need. The setting up of Gyan Vigyan Vidyalayas
(GVV's) by Bharat Gyan Vigyan Samiti(BGVS) stems
from such an understanding.
Through Mass Literacy Campaigns, BGVS has in the
past fifteen years attempted to harness the
idealism of crores of volunteers for improving
the conditions of the impoverished of the
country. Consequently, a demand emerged from the
grass roots for education and schools that
promote values of democracy, secularism, equality
and scientific thinking. It is this demand that
BGVS has chnnelised into Gyan Vigyan Education
Programme, and specifically, GVV's, in the past
two years.
Opening and Managing a GVV
A GVV can be opened by the community, other
social and mass organization or, could be a
school of the Government, but must fulfill the
following conditions:
A GVV shall not belong to an individual or a
single family and will not be used to generate
personal profit. It is a community rather than a
commercial venture.
Every GVV shall be managed by a School Management
Committee (SMC).Half the members of the SMC must
be women, preferably mothers of children in a
particular GVV. The other half shall be composed
of representatives of dalits and other
marginalized groups, some elected panchayat
members, local teachers and a representatives of
the local BGVS unit.
Every GVV shall function like a community center.
It shall also function as the village library,
children's activity center, a self-help group of
the mothers of the children studying there and a
primary health center.
Each GVV shall be registered and accredited to
the relevant education authority. The
registration shall be in the name of the SMC, and
not BGVS
The school shall be managed by the SMC. Selection
of teachers and payment of their honararium,
making available a place, land and rooms,
teaching-learning materials shall be the tasks of
the SMC's. For this the SMC shall mobilize
resources from the community. It may charge
nominal fees from some children, but no poor
child shall be denied access. Thee will be no
project or NGO funds available to the GVV for its
day to day running.
Teaching - Learning Process
Since GVV's are accredited schools, they will
have to use the state syllabus and books, but
they will be transacted differently. Teacher
orientations, preparation of supplementary
materials, teacher handbooks and other academic
tasks shall be the responsibility of BGVS.
The T-L methodology shall be based on creating a
fear-free learning environment, and centered
around activity, exploration and discovery,
critical analysis and creativity, keeping the
child's social and cultural location in mind. In
the process values pertaining to democracy,
secularism, cooperation, respect for pluralism
and peace will be transacted.
No particular religion shall be promoted in the
GVV, but respect for each religion will be
fostered. Accordingly, songs, stories and
activities promoting equality and respect for
different identities shall replace religious
prayers and rituals.
Where and How Many
The total number of GVV's set up till March 2007,
in less than two years, is 1102. Over 4000
teachers have been trained for the purpose during
this period. The numbers are growing, and the
demand is more than the BGVS capacity to train
teachers! The state-wise break up at this point
of time is the following:
Assam - 449, Bihar - 110, Orissa - 192, Jharkhand - 220, UP - 25,
Uttarakhand - 02, MP - 60, Gujarat - 10, Chhatisgarh - 34
At an underestimate of Rs. 2 lakhs for school
infrastructure per GVV, the community has already
spent or committed to spend Rs. 22 crores for the
1102 GVV's. And at an average salary of Rs. 1000
per teacher per month, the community has already
paid Rs. 10 crores as teacher honararium in the
past two years. Against this, the BGVS has spent
around Rs. 1.5 crores in residential teacher
trainings, material preparation and monitoring in
the same period. So for every rupee invested by
the BGVS, the community has invested over twenty
rupees.
About BGVS
Set up in 1989 to extend the Mass Literacy
Campaigns all over the country, BGVS has 20 state
units, 328 district units with sub-district units
involving nearly four lakh volunteers. BGVS works
in Literacy, Continuing Education, Health,
Children's Education, Self-Help Groups and Samata
for women, Watershed Development, Cultural Action
and to spread scientific temper.
For further Information
(donations - sorry BGVS does not accept foriegn
funds - and expressions of solodarity,
please contact Vinod Raina at:
1. Basic Education Resource Center (BGVS)
E7/32B, Arera Colony, Bhopal 462016
2. BGVS, YWA Hostel No. 2, G-Block
Saket, New Delhi 110 017
bgvs_delhi at yahoo.co.in
vinod.raina at vsnl.com
(a GVV handbook in Hindi is available for Rs. 50 at the above addresses)
______
[5]
The Guardian
March 19, 2007
A LITTLE MORE CONVERSATION
Muslims can benefit from secularism and the
political and theological debate it encourages.
by Reem Maghribi
I am involved with at least two organisations
which work on the basis of a belief in secularism
- SharqMagazine.com, which presents and addresses
issues with nationalism as a basis of identity,
and British Muslims for Secular Society, an
organisation seeking to promote a total
separation of religion and state. It is therefore
appropriate for me to outline my main argument in
favour of secularism.
The intention of Islam was that all people live
together as Muslims under the ideology preached
in the Qur'an.
We are not all Muslims, and even in countries
where the vast majority are, the rules of Islam
are not preached and enforced in their entirety.
An ideology can only be practiced in its
entirety. It is not moral or just, for example,
to cut off the hand of a thief if you have not
first ensured factors which should have prevented
him needing to steal, such as being cared for by
his community, family and government, and are
equally preached in Islamic ideology, are in
place.
Additionally, the Qur'an says that it can be
applied to every time and every place. I agree.
Because the Qur'an itself gives us the people -
all the people - the power to discuss and debate.
Islam was given to us to make life better and
easier - not for the minority but the collective.
We spend so much time looking for ways to
reinterpret the Qur'an for fear of being judged
for contradicting the word of God when he
himself, through his holy book, encouraged us to
discuss and debate. If he wanted all rules to be
inflexible and set in stone he would have made
them all fundamentals and pillars of Islam,
instead of only identifying five.
If we accept the concept of democracy, then in
any society - be it Europe or a country with a
Muslim majority - secularism is the best option.
In countries where a version of Sharia is
enforced, the people cannot debate the laws for
fear of being told they contradict the word of
God. This effectively creates an environment of
dictatorship.
Ultimately our beliefs shape our morals and
interests, which in turn influence the way we
vote and lobby in a democratic society.
We can stay within the spirit of Islam and look
at the intentions behind its preaching and apply
them in a manner suitable to today's
circumstances.
Secularism encourages increased participation
from the masses in both governance and
theological debate by enabling each to exist
separately without one dominating or being
threatened by the other.
I will no doubt get comments from those asking me
for my qualifications in theology. I don't need
any. It is my right as a human being to read a
book and use my common sense and personal
judgement to analyse and interpret it as I see
fit. When one insists on following the preaching
of an Imam or "scholar" - wherever he may take
them - they are forsaking the most cherished gift
God ever gave man - the ability to think and
reason.
Regardless of my personal beliefs on the topic, I
would very much like to hear a woman discussing
her belief in the veil using personal reasoning
as opposed to reference to the local scholar and
preaching of the Qur'an. I cannot engage in a
debate when you ultimately refer me to your
scholar. And he will likely refer me to words on
a page. Do you really have no desire to analyse
and philosophise about the words of the Qur'an?
Does it deserve no more of your respect than to
simply learn and recite it by heart? You'll
dissect every line of a Jane Austin novel for
school homework but you won't analyse the words
of a book to which you say you dedicate your life?
I am not in favour of reinterpreting the Qur'an
for the sake of forging a legitimate link between
words in the Qur'an and our intentions and
actions through warped semantics. This ultimately
gives everyone with an ability to manipulate
words the power to do what they want in the name
of the Qur'an. Give me your actual arguments.
Reason with me. Unless of course you do not
believe Islam is based on reason. In which case I
have nothing more to say to you - mainly because
you would have nothing more to say back, seeing
as you clearly don't like debates.
I do. Tell me you want to cover your hair so as
to dress modestly and I'll likely suggest you
simply tie your hair back and wear no make-up. I
would then look forward to hearing what the many
women who cover their hair but wear full make-up
would have to say. I am certainly not suggesting
all women in hijab do this. In fact those who
don't - those who truly appear to be dressing
modestly - are probably just as annoyed by the
women who use the headscarf as an accessory to
accent their eyeshadow as I am. Where is the
modesty? You paint a masterpiece of your face and
place it within a silk frame.
The last two paragraphs have focused on the
hypocritical among us (I do hope, but doubt, they
are in the minority). Let us speak of them (or to
them) no more. If you don't agree with me (on any
point) and want to throw in some meat for the
debate (ie reasoned arguments - no secondary
source references) then find the comment box
below and type away.
______
[6]
Date: Fri, 16 Mar 2007 13:16:35 +05-30
THE SITUATION IN BASTAR
Dear Friends
The situation in Bastar is at a critical stage,
with clashes on 27-28 Feb trying to force land
acquisition for Tata's steel plant. The
"manufactured civil war" pursued by Salwa Judum
continues with at least 80,000 tribal refugees in
what are virtually concentration camps.
The steel plant is planned on 2,000+ hectares of
tribal land belonging to 10 villages in
Lohandiguda block, near the amazing Chitrakot
waterfall on Indravati river. The agreement for
the plant was signed between the Chhattisgarh
Govt & Tata in June 2005 - precisely the month
when Salwa Judum was formed - labelled a
"people's movement against the Naxalites" but
actually a police sponsored terror militia
forcing the evacuation of one tribal village
after another, with refugees pressurized to join
SJ.
On 27 Feb police in the 10 villages to try &
force thro land acquisition arrested a number of
tribal leaders and were pelted with stones. The
next day (28th) a leading non-tribal activist who
had come to support the people was hounded out of
Bastar. He was slapped in front of the hotel
manager where he had stayed in Jagdalpur, who was
warned the hotel would be burnt if he put him up
again, and all Jagdalpur's hotelowners have been
told not to accept any guests who may be opposing
Tata. This activist was then hounded by violent
mobs threatening to burn him alive, and also
police accusing him of running someone over.
There is an ONLINE PETITION TO APPEAL TO CANCEL
THE PROJECT. Please sign. This is at
Gopetition.com - the petition is called "Protect
the property rights of poor tribals".
The next day (1st March) the Collector of
Dantewara Dustrict called a meeting of all the
political parties (except CPI who are sidinmg
with the tribals), journalists, business leaders
etc, and reiterated the message that opposition
to the Tata project will not be tolerated.
The area is outstanding for the tribal culture as
well as outstanding for nature - this part of
Bastar is one of the few places in India where
wild buffaloes & Cattle survive. The tribal
culture of the Maria Gond & other tribes is one
of the world's most beautiful & wise of all
surviving tribal cultures, written about
beautifully by Grigson & Elwin in the 1930s-40s.
Their culture survived intact at least till 2005
when the Salwa Judum war started, which has split
virtually all the tribal villages into SJ versus
Maoists. There have been 1000s of deaths & rapes.
See e.g. human rights reports by Peoples Union of
Civil Liberties (pucl.org) and Asia Forum for
human rights.
On 17th Feb an organisation called Rambhau Mhalgi
Prabodhini organised a day seminar in Delhi as
propaganda for SJ, at which the Chief Minister of
Chh. Raman Singh talked about Naxalism as
India's greatest threat, and the Director General
of Chh. police called SJ "a process of
purification". Other pro-SJ academics &
journalists spoke of it as a "people's struggle -
the most important since Independence" etc. This
is the greatest inversion of the truth I
personally have ever come across, similar to
holocaust denial. The Naxalites are undoiubtedly
misguided to use violence, but they are opposing
an extreme level of exploitation & corruption,
and stand up for the rights of tribal people, and
appear alot more principled than the SJ & State
forces opposing them. Since Bastar tribals have
been opposing Tata steel plant plans for many
years, it does actually seem that SJ was largely
set up to implement Tata & other mining/metal
plans. (The Chh Govt is also recommending Tata to
prospect at Bailadila iron ore Mt range)
Please circulate news about what's happening in
the tribal heart of India, and the terror tactics
& utter thuggery being used to promote Tata,
whose steel plant plans in Orissa at Kalinganagar
caused 13 deaths in Jan 2006, and are still being
opposed there, and similar terror tactics at
Singur in W.Bengal. Please sign the petition or
take any other appropriate action.
orissa sakhi
______
[7]
Subject: NATIONAL FARMERS RALLY AGAINST SEZ: A SMALL REPORT
Date: Tue, 27 Mar 2007 05:48:40 +0000
by Aseem Shrivastava
This is a brief report on the National Farmers
Rally against Special Economic Zones (SEZ) in
Ramlila Maidan, New Delhi on March 23, 2007. It
becomes necessary to do this only because neither
the electronic nor the print media gave any
coverage to it. Even the vernacular press ignored
it.
The rally was one of the biggest seen in Delhi in
recent years. There were at least 1,50,000
kisans, mazdoors and tribals from all over India,
and possibly upwards of 2,00,000 or even
2,50,000. Red-flag waving protestors - women and
men, young and old - filled up much of the area
between Delhi Gate and Ajmeri Gate.The rally was
organized by the Far Left ML groups, perhaps the
reason that the media ignored it altogether. But
this is no time to be sectarian and by not paying
attention to such mass protests we only make the
use of political violence by Naxalites a more
likely default option for peasants and indigenous
populations.
There were kisans from virtually every part of
the country - West Bengal, Bihar, Orissa,
Jharkhand, Chhatisgarh, UP, Punjab, Haryana, MP,
Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Andhra, Tamil Nadu,
Karnataka, Kerala...there were pamphlets being
distributed in a number of languages, even some
of the languages from the South. Some of us
distributed a factsheet on SEZs in Hindi and
English.
There were the usual round of fiery speeches from
the pulpit, but by far the more interesting
conversations were being held in small groups.
Many people did not know what SEZs were: they
were merely opposed to the takeover of their
land. Some said that they did not believe in
selling land, even if the govt was willing to
compensate them. Some had heard about Singur and
Nandigram, others hadn't.
People were enraged at the short-shrifting of
agriculture under recent economic policies. They
were opposed to SEZs because they were being
built on land which they had farmed for
generations. One old small farmer from Bihar
wondered what purpose monetary compensation (even
if it were to materialize) would serve for him.
He was too old to learn a new skill which could
fetch his family a livelihood. Why should he
leave certain livelihood for an uncertain job in
the future, he said.
A Punjab peasant commented on the loss of dignity
that his community was feeling about losing their
freedom to farm. And while it was true that
farming had become uneconomical for most people,
he said that government policies had a lot to
answer for it. What right did they have to ask us
to give up not merely our livelihood but our way
of life itself?
Inflation was also a topic of discussion. Are
they going to give us food at affordable prices
if they take away our right to grow our own food,
one farmer mused.
In sum, the rally indicated the resentment and
rage that is building up around the country
against the economic policies of the state. There
is a crying need to see the commonality of
patterns that are emerging in order to make a
thorough intellectual critique of the prevailing
framework and work towards a sustainable
alternative vision.
______
[8]
Indian Express
March 26, 2007
IN TAMIL NADU TOWN, FUNDAMENTALISTS PLAY MORAL COPS, EVEN KILL TO HAVE WAY
Jaya Menon
Melapalayam (Tirunelveli), March 25 : Over a
fortnight ago, 35-year-old Mumtaz was killed by a
group of young men in Melapalayam in south Tamil
Nadu.
Related Stories
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They murdered her when she was returning from a
local beedi company after collecting leaves and
tobacco. They accosted her on the road, warned
her against a affair she was allegedly having
with a married man and the local manager of a
beedi company.
She just told them to mind their own business.
They first threw stones at her. Then, some of
them came closer and stabbed her. Mumtaz died on
the spot.
In Melapalayam, which the police say has been a
hotbed of fundamentalism with a strong presence
of Al Umma, there has been little outrage.
"Many in the town believe that Mumtaz deserved
it," said Abdul Subahan (18), the district
secretary of the student wing of Tamil Nadu
Muslim Munnetra Kazham, a political outfit which
police think is linked to Al Umma.
Residents of the town say Mumtaz had been given
"sufficient warning" to keep away from her
"paramour." But she had not.
Her sister Nabeena said: "People in the town are
saying she deserved it. We don't know what to
think."
Her mother, Zubeida Hussein, who had left her
daughter a few months ago after she began
receiving threats, said: "Our heads bow in shame."
The mob murder on March 9 by the self-styled
'moral police' was not the first honour killing
in this small town. Mumtaz is just the first
woman victim.
In August 1997, Selvakumar, a homeopath doctor,
was killed for having "relationships" with Muslim
women. The same day, 16 Al Umma sympathizers
hacked to death two RSS workers who were
karsevaks in the Babri Masjid demolition.
* In 2001, Sathyaseelan was murdered by nine Al
Umma members for "having contacts with a Muslim
woman."
* Two months ago, three youths, all Al Umma
sympathizers, were arrested after they threatened
another single woman in the town "on suspicion"
that she was having an "illicit" relationship
with a married man. "They snatched her mobile
phone and extorted Rs. 1,000 from her and told
her to behave herself," says Inspector Stanley
Jones, the investigating officer in the Mumtaz
murder case.
The Melapalayam town chief, Khaludeen, felt the
youths should have brought the case before the
local Jamaat. "Only a year back we threw a woman
out of the town with her seven-month-old baby boy
whom she begot through an illicit relationship,"
he said.
According to him, the married man accused of
getting her pregnant, had "sworn" on Allah that
he was not responsible. "Once a man swears on
Allah, we believe him," said Khaludeen. But the
woman had to leave the town.
Said Dr Bhagat Singh, the TMMK's district
secretary: "The youths (accused of killing
Mumtaz) should not have taken law into their
hands. They read the Quran and make their own
interpretations. To prevent such incidents, the
Government should introduce the practice of
stoning immoral women to death. Many Middle-East
countries follow this practice and keep women
under check. That's the only way to handle such
issues."
Two days after Mumtaz's murder, the police
arrested S Rasool Moideen (22), Shahul Hameed
(21), his brother K Noushad Ali (19), K Imran
(19), Mohamed Hussain alias Allappa (23) and
Mohamed Moideen, all from Melapalayam. Two of
them are college students. The police are
searching for Shahul Hameed (27), who is said to
be the mastermind.
Police say Al Umma, the fundamentalist outfit
which had become weak after the arrest of more
than 100 of its members in the Coimbatore case,
has been rejuvenated and is trying to enforce
edicts on the Muslim community in Melapalayam.
"We believe there are some agencies trying to lay
down stiff rules for the society. They don't
represent the larger community and behave like
outlaws," said N K Senthamarai Kannan, the
Tirunelveli District Superintendent of Police.
"Unless someone comes forward with a complaint,
we cannot do anything. They (the town residents)
don't have the courage to initiate the legal
process as they feel they have to co-exist with
the community," he said.
______
[9]
Book Review / The Hindu
March 27, 2007)
Culture and colonialism
Nalini Taneja
This collection of essays discusses various forms
of resistance to colonial rule
COLONIALISM, CULTURE AND RESISTANCE: K. N.
Panikkar; Oxford University Press, YMCA Library
Building, Jai Singh Road, New Delhi-110001. Rs.
595.
This book is a part of the series of collections
of essays of eminent scholars that OUP has been
bringing out from time to time. K.N. Panikkar is
among the foremost historians of modern India,
and has written extensively on intellectual and
cultural history. As the preface to this book
states, and its title suggests, "the common
thread which binds together the essays in this
volume is the idea of resistance to colonialism
as a source of alternative modernity."
While the volume is a book of history, and covers
the colonial period - barring one essay on the
changes in history textbooks during the NDA
regime - the concerns of the present reverberate
throughout the book. It is clear that as a
historian he is deeply disturbed by the "the
failure of [an] alternative modernity" in India,
which, in his opinion has "led the way to the
uncritical acceptance of globalisation and to
sympathetic response to cultural revivalism"
during the last two decades. Therefore, from the
large body of his work, he has chosen for this
volume those essays which reflect the different
forms of resistance to colonial rule and which
analyse the vicissitudes and the incompleteness
of the efforts of independent cultural
expression, free from the constraints of both
colonial hegemony and the shackles of tradition.
The essays cover three broad categories: armed
resistance, intellectual preparation, and
cultural practice. Culture as reflected in this
book is not some apolitical space; it is
inextricably connected with the colonial reality,
and notions of nation that arise from a
differentiated cultural expression of the
intelligentsia during the 19th century, which is
in turn strongly influenced by colonialism and
the social matrix in which they emerged.
At a juncture when many other historians of
modern India are prone to wish away the
overarching reality of colonialism and its
hegemonic presence in the lives of the Indian
people, he is emphatic that "colonial domination
and resistance occupied the centre of historical
experience" during the period described by him.
The consciousness about an alternative formed
very slowly, he says, primarily because the
intelligentsia, to begin with, tended to identify
colonial rule as an agency of liberal
dispensation, and when they did seek to
transgress it their political perspective
remained circumscribed by liberalism, and then
increasingly came to accommodate tradition in the
same way that colonialism did: this created a
cultural crisis for the intelligentsia. This
trajectory is explored in some depth through the
studies on different forms of cultural
articulation of the 19th century and to an extent
early 20th.
Themes
He describes the plurality of forms of
resistance, analyses many of them, and shows how
these were an aspect of challenging and
transgressing the limits of colonial modernity,
yet "influenced partly by the way power was
exercised by the colonizer", as much as by what
came to be seen as tradition under colonial rule.
The themes covered range from the formation of
cultural consciousness to questions of cultural
pasts and national identity; matters of dress and
manners and social reform in the context of
tradition, power and concern for legitimacy;
literature, literacy and educational initiatives,
the expansion of print media and creation of new
cultural tastes and notions of nation; indigenous
medicine and coming to terms with new knowledge
and colonial hegemony; and the early armed
revolts and peasant resistance in the backdrop of
agrarian laws of the time, specifically as
reflected in the revolts of Velu Tampi and of the
Malabar peasantry.
Implications
The essays explore the implications these forms
of resistance had for the formation of political
and cultural consciousness, and how these forms
of resistance constituted what he calls "the
proto history of political and cultural
nationalism."
In a short review it would be fruitful to simply
encapsulate some of his propositions and
conclusions on the varied themes covered in the
book: both renaissance and revivalism were
integral to the search for identity, neither
being overtly against colonialism; colonial
cultural interventions did not mean a departure
from the traditional pattern of life, even to
those directly exposed to the influence of the
colonial, social and cultural engineering; the
lack of integration between political and
cultural struggles had important implications; a
critique of religion is essential for the battle
over transformation of consciousness for a social
revolution; and unlike in Africa or South
America, the colonialists hegemonised Indian
society by both expropriating and appropriating
many traditional cultural symbols.
His analyses of the Malayalam novel Indulekha and
the `Great Shoe Question' reveal the complexities
of contestations over cultural symbols and
self-perceptions of individual identities in the
social matrix of colonial hegemony and need for
traditional legitimacy. The dynamics of the
peasant revolts discussed reveal the vital
interconnections within popular struggles between
traditional religious ideology and `the hidden
transcripts' of a challenge to the dominance of
the landowning classes and the agrarian laws of
the colonial state.
Alternative
He strongly argues that the vital force that
could have emerged from a creative dialogue
between the spirit of rationality and
universalism derived from the Renaissance and the
Enlightenment on the one hand and an equally
enlightened choice from within the tradition,
remained split into two distinct tendencies. In
the event, he says, the void has been filled
either by the culture of the capitalist West or
the obscurantism of tradition, currently being
advocated by the Hindutva forces.
He concludes even more emphatically that "the
cultural alternative contemporary India is
seeking is therefore located in a choice between
the elements inherited from the renaissance and
those promoted by revivalism. At a time when
there are attempts to redefine the identity of
the nation, the choice is imbued with a meaning
not purely cultural but also political."
To this we may add that in an era of `cultural
nationalism', when the field of culture and its
centrality to politics and transformation of
Indian society has suffered great neglect from
secular, left-liberal historians, and when the
Hindu right wing seems to have hijacked the
entire discourse on culture, this book is a
timely warning to take culture seriously, and to
evolve an effective agenda for cultural action.
______
[10]
Book Publication Announcement
THE POLITICS BEHIND ANTI-CHRISTIAN VIOLENCE
Ram Puniyani (Editor) <mailto:ram.puniyani at gmail.com>ram.puniyani at gmail.com
Foreword- Prof. K.N.Panikkar
Last decade and a half has seen gradual
intensification of violence against Christians.
The worst of this was the burning alive of Pastor
Graham Stains. The propaganda doing rounds
against them is very vicious and ill founded. In
the face of this violence the state machinery has
not acted firmly and the suitable protective
action is missing.
Various human rights groups have investigated
these violations of democratic rights. This book
is a compilation of most of the (12) citizen's
inquiry reports. It also includes the report of
Wadhva Commission. This commission was appointed
by NDA in the aftermath of the ghastly murder of
Pastor Stains. It also has reports from Gujarat.
MP and Mahrashtra. Some these reports take an all
Indian view and have investigated anti Christian
violence cutting across different states.
It has some analytical articles on the theme. The
contributors to these articles are Rudolf
Heredia, Vinay Lal, K.N.Panikkar, Ram Puniyani,
Rowena Robinson, M. Prakash Singh, Rowena
Robinson and Virginius Xaxa.
Pages 864, HB, Rs 495
Publisher
Media House
375-A, Pocket-2, Mayur Vihar Phase 1, Delhi 110091
(mediahousedelhi at gmail.com , www.mediahousedelhi.org)
______
[11] EVENTS:
(i)
150 YEARS OF SOUTH ASIAN RESISTANCE
1857 saw the first major uprising against British
rule in India. Although dubbed the 'Indian
Mutiny' in many colonial history books, the
uprising which spread across much of the northern
half of South Asia (at that time called India,
now including India, Pakistan and Bangladesh) and
lasted almost a year had all the characteristics
of a war against imperialism and for independence.
South Asia Solidarity Group and the 1857
Committee are organising a series of events to
celebrate the 150th anniversary of the 1857
uprisings. The aim of these events is not only to
remember what happened in 1857, but to highlight
the continuities and parallels with the situation
in South Asia and globally today. In particular,
we will be looking at 1857 as one of the high
points of continuing popular anti-imperialist
resistance, in which people identifying with
different communities and religions but sharing
many aspects of culture consciously came together
to resist an aggressively racist colonial power.
In the process we will talk about contemporary
imperialism, racism and the rise of the religious
right, and the struggles against them in South
Asia and here in Britain.
Currently the rise of intense anti-Muslim racism
in Britain (along with other developments, like
the rise of Hindutva in India) has polarised
South Asian communities. It is urgent to reclaim
our shared history of anti-colonial struggle and
draw parallels with the British state's current
role in imperialism and war.
The events taking place throughout 2007 will
include drama, exhibitions, concerts and
film-screenings. They will culminate in a two-day
conference in London on 6 and 7 October 2007.
Some of the key themes of this conference include
The repressive state in Britain and South Asia and the construction of 'terror'
The ravages of corporate capital from the East India Company to today
Land seizures, poverty and people's struggles for resources
'Divide and rule', and the religious right and
popular movements against communalism
Changing strategies of state intervention and
control: 'culture' 'race' and gender
For more information on events taking place in
London, Birmingham and Manchester, contact:
<mailto:sasg at southasiasolidarity.org>sasg at southasiasolidarity.org,
<mailto:committee1857 at yahoo.co.uk>committee1857 at yahoo.co.uk,
<http://www.1857.org.uk/>www.1857.org.uk
The first of the planned events is:
Unity and Resistance
Celebrating the150th anniversary of the
1857 Uprisings against British rule in India
Artworks from students at:
St Paul's Way Community School, Bethnal Green,
Northolt High School, Heathland School,
George Mitchell School, Leyton
Drama from students at Heathland School in Hounslow,
Discussion of themes and how to get involved in future activities
led by South Asia Solidarity Group
Friday 30th March 2007
3pm-6pm at
V&A Museum of childhood, Cambridge Heath Road E2 9PA
1857 saw the first major uprising against British rule in India.
Although dubbed the Indian Mutiny in many
colonial history books, the uprising which spread
across much of the northern half of South Asia
(at that time called India, now including India,
Pakistan and Bangladesh) and lasted almost a year
had all the characteristics of a war against
imperialism and for independence.
School Students' drama and artworks have drawn on
the continuities between the events of 1857 and
their experiences. They have questioned dominant
ideas of who we are and how we are seen.
Details: <mailto:sasg at southasiasolidarity.org>sasg at southasiasolidarity.org
Organised by: London Development Education Centre
293-299 Kentish Town Road, London,
londec at hotmail.com
o o o
(ii)
THE NIGAH QUEER FEST'07!
The NigahQueerFest'07 is a celebration of
sexuality and queerness. Part of emerging voices
that question dominant norms of gender and
sexuality, the festival will showcase films,
photography, workshops, talks and performances in
venues across the city from May 25th to June 3rd
in New Delhi.
Calls for entry to the Film and Photography parts
of the festival can also be downloaded from the
website at www.nigahmedia.com/queerfest.html.
o o o
(iii)
FIFTH WINTER COURSE ON FORCED MIGRATION
Applications are invited for a 15-day orientation
course on Forced Migration to be held in Kolkata,
India (1-15 December 2007). The short-term winter
course, organised each year by the Mahanirban
Calcutta Research Group, will be preceded by a
two and a half month long programme of distance
education. The course is intended for younger
academics, refugee activists and others working
in the field of human rights and humanitarian
assistance for victims of forced displacement.
The curriculum will deal with themes of
nationalism, ethnicity, partition, and
partition-refugees, national regimes and the
international regime of protection, political
issues relating to regional trends in migration
in South Asia, internal displacement, the
gendered nature of forced migration and
protection framework, resource politics,
environmental degradation, and several other
issues related to the forced displacement of
people. The course will put emphasis on the
experiences of displacement, creative writings on
refugee life, critical legal and policy analysis,
and analysis of relevant notions such as
vulnerability, care, risk, protection, return and
settlement. The course will include fieldwork and
other exercises. For content and structure of
past courses, please consult the Archives section
of the CRG website at
http://www.mcrg.ac.in/winter.htm.
Applicants must have (a) 3 years experience in
the work of protection of the victims of forced
displacement, OR hold a post-graduate degree in
Social Sciences and (b) proficiency in English.
Besides giving all necessary particulars,
application must be accompanied by an appropriate
recommendation letter and a 500-1000 word
write-up on how the programme is relevant to the
applicant's work and may benefit the applicant.
Selected candidates from South Asia will have to
pay INR 5000 each as registration fee (from
outside South Asia the fee is US $ 400). CRG will
bear accommodation and other course expenses for
all participants.
Applications, addressed to the Course
Coordinator, can be sent by e-mail to
forcedmigrationdesk at mcrg.ac.in or by post, and
must reach the following address by 31 May 2007:
Mahanirban Calcutta Research Group
GC-45, First Floor,
Sector-III
Salt Lake City
Kolkata-700 106
West Bengal
India
For details visit our web site
http://www.mcrg.ac.in. Inquiries relating to the
application procedure are welcome.
_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/
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