SACW | 18 Feb 2005

[sacw]

South Asia Citizens Wire   | 18 Feb.,  2005
via:  www.sacw.net

[1]  Nepal:
(i)   Radio Free Nepal Blog
(ii)  After Nepal's Royal Coup - Making the King see reason (Praful Bidwai)
[2]  The South Asia People's Forum Petition to Secretary General, SAARC
[3]  Bangladesh:
(i)   International Forum for A Secular Democratic Bangladesh
(ii)  It's an attack on progress - The ugly face of extremism again
[4]  India Through Pakistani Eyes - Observations 
on science and society in India (Pervez Hoodbhoy)
[5]  Pakistan:
- An open letter to the President re 
representation of women and labour in local govt
- Slashing Women's Representation [In Local Government]
[6]  India: Needed a Tsunami to destroy the Ugly 
relic of Varna system (V.B.Rawat)
[7]  Letter Re Documentary "Born Into Brothels" (Partha Banerjee)

Upcoming Events
[8] Book release @ Anhad: 'In the Name of Rama' 
by Aabid Surti  (New Delhi, February 21, 2005)
[9] Montreal International Women's Day 2005 (5th and 8th of March)
[10] 3rd international festival for experimental 
film in India (Bombay, February 23-26 | Delhi, 
March 2-5)


--------------

[1]

(i)

RADIO FREE NEPAL BLOG
http://freenepal.blogspot.com/

o o o o

(ii)

The Praful Bidwai Column
February 14, 2005

AFTER NEPAL'S ROYAL COUP - MAKING THE KING SEE REASON
By Praful Bidwai

Recent developments have put paid to the slender 
hope that Nepal's King Gyanendra Bir Bikram Shah 
Dev would substantially relax the draconian 
restrictions he imposed on the freedoms of 
expression, political activity and movement on 
February 1, when he dismissed Prime Minister Sher 
Bahadur Deuba and assumed absolute power. The 
executive monarch has banned criticism of the 
security forces "made directly or indirectly", 
prohibited political activities by "public 
servants", and threatened to seize people's 
property whenever "necessary". Telephone 
connections in Nepal remain under tight 
surveillance and protest rallies are broken up 
even as political leaders escape to India to 
evade detention.

Evidently, strong criticism of the royal coup by 
the international community, including the United 
Nations, major Western Powers and India, hasn't 
yet had much impact. This might appear strange 
considering that Nepal's monarch 
rules-uncertainly and shakily-over one of the 
world's 10 poorest countries, which badly depends 
on foreign aid, and that his writ doesn't run in 
two-thirds of Nepal's 75 districts, where Maoists 
rule.

King Gyandendra has probably had tacit or covert 
support from a major Power. Or else, he wouldn't 
have ignored repeated warnings by the US, Britain 
and India against dismissing Mr Deuba. Nor would 
he have reportedly misled New Delhi by sending an 
emissary only a couple of days before the 
dismissal, who delivered the opposite message.

In all likelihood, the power backing the King is 
China. On January 21, he closed down two offices 
of the Dalai Lama, active in Nepal for 45 years. 
Beijing lavished praise on him for this. China 
refused to deplore the coup despite its grave 
implications for the entire Himalayan region, and 
described it as Nepal's "internal matter". The 
King is probably playing "the China Card". (Nepal 
also plays the "India Card" when that suits it.)

This is a high-risk gamble. It's unlikely that 
Chinese support alone would see King Gyanendra 
through all the troubles he'll face. Under 
international pressure, Beijing could dump him as 
easily as it backed him. This happened in the 
early 1990s, when Nepal became a democracy. China 
is unlikely to forgo dividends from improved 
relations with India for dubious short-term 
influence within Nepal.

The King has risked an even more reckless gamble 
by taking a purely personal decision to grab 
absolute power and declare a state of emergency 
for three long years. He has removed the buffer 
between himself and an increasingly restive 
population and thus put the Palace in the line of 
fire. From now on, he won't have the luxury of 
blaming political parties-for whom he publicly 
expresses disdain-for the nation's growing 
problems. His actions will probably further 
aggravate Nepal's multiple crises of 
governability and erode his own authority and 
credibility. The Nepali economy, already in deep 
trouble, could face a virtual collapse.

The King's takeover is now spurring Nepal's 
parliamentary parties and the Maoists into a 
joint opposition to demand a lifting of the 
emergency and restoration of democratic freedoms. 
The longer the King resists this, the greater and 
more coherent the opposition will become. Indeed, 
a well-focused demand to restore civil liberties 
will energise the crisis-ridden parties. Since 
the King's dismissal of the first Deuba 
government in 2002, more and more political 
leaders belonging to the mainstream have veered 
around to demanding a quasi-republican 
Constitution, to be written by a new Constituent 
Assembly. They include leaders from the Koirala 
and Deuba factions of the Nepali Congress, the 
Communist Party (United Marxist-Leninist), the 
Ekta Mashal Group, and the Terai-based Sadbhavana 
Party. Maoist ideologue Baburam Bhattarai named 
them on January 19 in Kantipur daily.

The King has committed a grave blunder by 
usurping power. The Nepali people, who have 
tasted freedom for 15 years, prefer multi-party 
democracy to monarchy. An August-September 2003 
survey by Tribhuvan University social scientists 
shows that 62 percent of Nepalis say "democracy 
is always preferable to any other form of 
government." (Only 10 percent say 
authoritarianism is acceptable, while 28 percent 
are indifferent.) Seventyeight percent favour 
either a limited monarchy or its abolition-far 
more numerous than the 22 percent who want an 
executive monarchy. The King's rule by proxy 
since October 2002 has produced poor results and 
fresh antagonisms. Ninetyone percent of all 
Nepalis want either a new constitution or 
amendments to the existing constitution.   

Given this, the Maoists' demand for a round-table 
conference, an interim government and a 
Constituent Assembly is likely to gather popular 
support. Many hitherto-hesitant leaders will 
embrace it. In that case, the future of the Shah 
dynasty could itself be in jeopardy.

The King, then, faces a serious challenge. No 
wonder he's making awkward overtures to the 
Maoists by inviting them to talks. The government 
cites the Maoists' past statements that they 
would prefer talking to the King directly rather 
than his toothless surrogates. The Maoists will 
reject this offer especially after the February 8 
helicopter raids on them. They now regard the 
King as an absolutist and feudal "national 
betrayer," who wants to take Nepal back to the 
15th century!

A precondition for meaningful talks between the 
Palace and any representatives of the Nepali 
people is release of political leaders, and 
restoration of civil liberties. The King must be 
firmly told this by the whole world, in 
particular, India, which has a special 
relationship with Nepal. This derives from the 
1950 Treaty of Friendship, and a lot else. India 
and Nepal have innumerable family links and an 
open border permitting the free movement of 
people with duty-free access to goods. Nepalis 
can join India's armed forces-where over 30,000 
of them serve-and rise to the highest levels. 
They can also join India's civil services. Their 
two currencies are tied. Many Nepalis would feel 
let down if India doesn't pressure the King to 
restore a modicum of freedom.

However, New Delhi must be sensitive to Nepali 
concerns and sensibilities about India's 
overwhelming presence and occasional 
high-handedness. The Nepalis resent India's 
perceived political "interference", and its 
proposals for the construction of dams on common 
rivers, as well as India's blockade of their 
landlocked country in 1988-89, which imposed 
great hardship upon them. While stressing 
commonalities and a shared culture, Nepalis are 
also careful to keep their clocks 15 minutes 
apart from Indian Standard Time-a sign of 
independence! India must respect this.

What should India do apart from deploring the 
coup, which will accelerate the collapse of the 
Nepali state-right on the shared porous border? 
India must translate its words into actions while 
expressing solidarity with the Nepali people's 
democratic aspirations. The best way to do so 
would be to stop supplying arms to the Royal 
Nepal Army and direct aid to the government (as 
distant from NGOs and group delivering services 
to the people). This is the recommendation of the 
International Commission of Jurists, which too 
has expressed serious concern, like many civil 
liberties organisations, about Nepal's systematic 
abuse of human rights, including arbitrary 
detention and beating of civilian suspects.

In recent years, India supplied Rs 375 crores 
worth of arms to Nepal, including helicopters, 
landmines, riot-control gear, etc. which are 
liable to be used against domestic insurgents and 
peaceful civilians. One reason for this is New 
Delhi's preoccupation with viewing the Maoists as 
a "common security challenge" and its fear that 
they would forge strong links with Indian 
Naxalites. This preoccupation was especially 
strong under the Vajpayee-Advani dispensation. 
(RSS organs Panchajanya and Organiser support the 
King's coup.) Therefore, India didn't adequately 
differentiate itself from the US position which 
encouraged the King to use armed force against 
the Maoists. (The European Union advocated 
ceasefire and talks to address the root-causes of 
the insurgency).

New Delhi was wrong to cancel the Dhaka Summit of 
SAARC to register its annoyance with the King. 
SAARC shouldn't be held a hostage to bilateral 
differences between member-states. Dr Manmohan 
Singh should have attended the Summit and 
delivered a strong rebuke to the King. India must 
change stance. It must oppose a military solution 
to the crisis posed by the Maoist insurgency. The 
78,000-strong RNA has proved incapable of 
militarily combating it despite its 
disproportionate armed advantage. The Maoists 
only have an estimated 3,000 modern guns. They 
use questionable, indeed deplorable, methods. But 
they are not terrorists. They have support in the 
countryside, which is a cesspool of unaddressed 
grievances and unredeemed injustices.

It's this that has allowed the Maoists to wield 
growing influence and win legitimacy. These 
iniquities and grievances can only be addressed 
through land reform, popular empowerment and 
minimum needs programmes in health and education, 
and a sweeping drive against corruption. India 
must encourage this, not a military approach.

In this, India shouldn't expect much help from 
the US. The US sabotaged talks with the Maoists 
in the past by putting them on the "terrorist" 
list (April 2003). Earlier too, its "tough" 
post-9/11 militarist posture had a negative 
impact in Nepal and derailed talks. The US has 
recently encouraged the RNA by training its 
personnel and supplying M-16 rifles: However, 
India can count on the support of many other 
states-and above all, large numbers of 
Nepalis.-end-


_____

[2]

The South Asia People's Forum Petition to Secretary General, SAARC
http://www.PetitionOnline.com/SAPF/petition.html


_____


[3]  [Bangladesh]

(i)

INTERNATIONAL FORUM FOR A SECULAR DEMOCRATIC BANGLADESH (IFSDB)

A broad group of Bangladeshi expatriates have 
formed an organization named 'International Forum 
for A Secular Democratic Bangladesh'. Based in 
New York and dedicated to the ideals of 
secularism and democracy this forum has been 
formed after extensive contact with like-minded 
Bangladeshi expatriates the world over. While 
discussions have been going on for many months 
about the need for such a platform, the recent 
alarming developments in Bangladesh resulting in 
the killings and maiming of secular intellectuals 
and activists, opposition leaders and supporters, 
violence against minorities, and the reports 
about spreading tentacles of and upsurge in the 
violent activities by fanatic and extremist 
religious groups gave impetus to the forum's 
urgent launching.

At a well attended meeting held on February 6, 
2005, at the offices of Bangladesh Human Rights 
Watch at 23-63 Steinway Street, Astoria, New 
York, the forum's structure, agenda and a 
declaration was approved.

URL:  http://www.sacw.net/Bangladesh/IFSDB15022005.html


o o o

(ii)

The Daily Star
February 18, 2005
Editorial

IT'S AN ATTACK ON PROGRESS - THE UGLY FACE OF EXTREMISM AGAIN

The bombs attacks on Brac and Grameen Bank 
offices were tell-tale attempts at destroying 
anything that stood for progress, modernity, 
empowerment of women and the like. The way bombs 
and grenades are being hurled right, left and 
centre suggests that the attackers were 
emboldened by the culture of impunity feeding on 
lack of results in the previous investigations 
into high profile bombing cases. Society is 
passing through a grave crisis with the slide in 
law and order.

The most worrying aspect of the recent incidents 
is that the terrorists are targeting people at 
the time and place of their choice least bothered 
about where the police might be. This is somewhat 
surprising since all the suspected arrestees have 
confessed to having mentors and blueprints for 
the extremist exploits. So the connections should 
not be particularly difficult to detect. The 
ideological slant of the assaults on select 
individuals and institutions is far too obvious 
to be overlooked.

Unfortunately, the elite anti-crime outfits have 
not proved themselves effective in countering 
this particular sort of violent crime against 
society. Obviously, here they have to go beyond 
catching 'listed criminals'. The modus operandi 
of the fanatic groups is different and so is the 
nature of the crimes perpetrated by them. All 
these are now known facts.

The overall picture is grim, to say the least. 
News of vicious eruptions is pouring in from 
different directions. It seems certain groups 
have made inroads into the heart of important 
academic institutions and other organisations, 
calling for thorough investigations into the 
violence-prone situations for necessary 
corrective actions.

Strange things are happening. It is not without 
reason that some people believe that the 
criminals and killers are getting support from 
some invisible quarters who might not be that 
faceless after all. This is a vital question 
which needs to addressed if we really want the 
force of extremism to be checkmated. The 
government should be tough on the issue, for it 
cannot maintain law and order if killers enjoy a 
freehand and forward-looking institutions are 
targeted by the dark forces.


______

[4]

INDIA THROUGH PAKISTANI EYES
Subtitle: Observations on science and society in India

by Pervez Hoodbhoy, [To be published in the Sunday Magazine section of
Dawn (Karachi)]

Few Pakistanis get to visit India, the so-called "enemy country", and
fewer still to independently assess the development of science and
education across its hugely diverse regions. I had the exceptional good
fortune to make such a visit recently, made possible by the award of
UNESCO's Kalinga Prize for the popularization of science. One part of the
Prize included a 4-week lecture tour that took me around India: Delhi,
Pune, Mumbai, Bangalore, Chennai, Hyderabad, Bhubhaneswar, Cuttack,
Calcutta, and then back to Delhi again before I returned home to Islamabad
in mid-February. Although the Prize was awarded in 2003, frosty
Pakistan-India relations had made my tour impossible until 2005.

It was a relentless schedule from the first day onwards with several
lectures daily at schools, colleges, universities, research institutions,
and peace groups. I chatted with children from excellent schools as well
as those from rather ordinary ones; had long sessions with students and
professors from colleges and universities; met with the "junta" (cooks,
taxi drivers, and rickshawallas); and was invited to see ministers and
chief ministers in several states, as well as the president of India.

Some observations follow:

· Many Indian universities have a cosmopolitan character and are world
class. Their social culture is secular, modern, and similar to that in
universities located in free societies across the world. (In Pakistan, AKU
and LUMS would be the closest approximations.) Male and female students
freely intermingle, library and laboratory facilities are good, seminars
and colloquia are frequent, and the faculty engages in research. Entrance
exams are tough and competition for grades is intense. Some universities,
"deemed universities" and other research institutions I visited (TIFR,
IISC, IITs, IMSC, IICT, IUCAA, JNCASR, IPB, Raman Institute, Swaminathan
Institute,...) do research work at the cutting edge of science. A strong
tradition of mathematics and theoretical science forms a backbone that
sustains progress in areas ranging from space exploration and
super-computing to nanotechnology and biotechnology.

· The rural-urban divide, and the class divide in education, is strong. 
Schools and colleges in small towns have a culture steeped in religion.
Here one sees hierarchy, obedience, and even servility. The national
anthem is sung in schools and religious symbols are given much prominence.
Some students I met were bright, but many appeared rather dull. Although
most Indian colleges are coeducational (unlike in Pakistan), male and
female students sit separately and are not encouraged to intermingle. It
is sometimes difficult to understand the English spoken there. Where
possible, I spoke in Hindi/Urdu. This enhanced my ability to communicate
and also created a certain kind of bonding. There is an evident desire to
improve, however, and at least some college principals go out of their way
to organize events and invite guest speakers. My lecture at the
Basavanagudi National College, a fairly ordinary college in Bangalore, was
the 1978th lecture given by academicians over a period of 30 years!

· Independent thought in India's better universities is alive and well.
Office bearers of the Jawaharlal Nehru University students union in Delhi
were requested by the university's administration to present flowers to
President Abdul Kalam at the annual convocation. They flatly refused,
saying that he is a nuclear hawk and an appointee of a Hindu
fundamentalist party. Moreover, as young women of dignity they could not
agree to act as mere flower girls presenting bouquets to a man. Eventually
the head of the physics department, also a woman, somewhat reluctantly
presented flowers to Dr. Kalam but said that she was doing so as a
scientist honoring another scientist, not because she was a woman. Bravo!
I have not seen comparable boldness and intellectual courage in Pakistani
students. Student unions in Pakistan have been banned for two decades and
so it is a moot question if any union there could have mustered similar
independence of thought.

· Taking science to the masses has become a kind of mantra all over India.
My columnist friend Praful Bidwai - a powerful critic of the Indian state
and its militaristic policies - counts among India's greatest achievements
the energisation of its democracy and refers to "our social movements,
with their rich traditions of people's self-organisation, innovative
protest and daring questioning of power". These movements have ensured
that, unlike in Pakistan, land grabbers in Indian cities have found fierce
resistance when they try to gobble up public spaces - parks, zoos,
playgrounds, historical sites, etc. Praful should also include in his list
the huge number of science popularization movements, sometimes supported
by the state but often spontaneous. These are sweeping through India's
towns and villages, seeking to bring about an understanding of natural
phenomena, teach simple health care, and introduce technology appropriate
to a rural environment. There is not even one comparable Pakistani
counterpart. I watched some science communicators, such as Arvind Gupta at
IUCAA in Pune, whose infectious enthusiasm leaves children thrilled and
desirous of pursuing careers in science. Individual Indian states have
funded and created numerous impressive planetariums and science museums,
and local organizations are putting out a huge volume of written and
audio-visual science materials in the local languages.

· Attitudes of Indian scientists towards science are conservative.
Progress through science is an immensely popular notion in India, stressed
both by past and present leaders. But what is science understood to be? I
was a little jolted upon reading Nehru's words, written in stone at the
entrance to the Jawaharlal Nehru Institute for Advanced Research in
Bangalore: "I too have worshipped at the shrine of science". The notion of
"worship" and "shrine of science" do not go well with the modern science
and the scientific temper. Science is about challenging, not worshipping.
As a secular man, Nehru was not given to worship but his metaphorical
allusions to industries and factories as temples of science found full
resonance. Indeed, science in India is largely seen as an instrument that
enhances productive capabilities, and not as a transformational tool for
producing an informed, just, and rational society. Most Indian scientists
are techno-nationalists - they put their science at the service of their
state rather than the people. In this respect, Pakistan is no different.

· India's nuclear and space programs are nationally venerated as symbols
of high achievement. This led to India's nuclear hero, Dr. Abdul Kalam,
becoming the country's president. When Dr. Kalam received me in his
office, after the usual pleasantries, I expressed my regret at India
having gone nuclear and causing Pakistan to follow suit. Shouldn't India
now reduce dangers by initiating a process of nuclear disarmament? Dr.
Kalam gave me a well-practiced response: India would get rid of its
nuclear weapons the very minute that America agreed to do the same. He
displayed little enthusiasm for an agreement to cut off fissile material
production. However, he did agree to my suggestion that exchange of
academics could be an important way to build good relations between
Pakistan and India.

· Indian society remains deeply superstitious, caste divisions are
important, and women still have a long way to go. While I found myself
admiring the energetic popular science movements, I was disappointed that
they pay relatively little attention to the anti-scientific superstitions
widely prevalent in Indian society. After I had given a strong pitch for
fighting irrational beliefs at a meeting of science popularization
activists from villages in Northern India, a young woman asked me what to
do if "koi devi aap pay utr jayai" (if a spirit should descend upon you).
The jyoti (astrologer) dictates the dates when a marriage is possible, and
even whether a couple can marry at all. When I was in Bangalore, hundreds
of thousands had thronged to be cured by an American faith-healing quack,
Benny Hinn.  Inter-caste marriages are still frowned upon, and usually
forbidden. In local newspapers one typically reads of tragic accounts such
as that of a boy and girl from different castes who jointly commit suicide
after their families forbid the match. Although Indian women are freer,
more visible, and more confident than their Pakistani counterparts, India
is still a strongly male dominated society. However, the rapidly
increasing number of bold and well-educated young women gives hope for the
future.

· Muslims in India remain at the margins of scientific research and higher
education. Hamdard University in Delhi is distinctly better than the
university bearing the same name on the Pakistani side. Jamia Millia, a
largely Muslim university, appears to be doing well and probably better
than any Pakistani university in the field of physics. But, although
Muslims form 12% of India's population, I met only a few Muslim scientists
in leading Indian research institutes and universities. Discrimination
against Muslims does not appear to be the dominant cause.  A professor at
Jamia told me that an overwhelming number of Muslim students were inclined
towards seeking easier (and more lucrative) professions in spite of
special incentives offered to them at his university. In general, Muslims
in India appear more modern and secular than in Pakistan. However,
Hyderabad astonished me. Is it a total exception? In the lecture that I
gave at a government women's college, there was only one young woman
without a burqa in an audience of about a hundred. These women were
surprised to learn that Pakistan - at least in most places - is more
liberal than Hyderabad. The extreme conservatism in the Muslim part of the
city reminds one of Peshawar.

· There was a remarkable lack of hostility towards Pakistan. Indeed a
desire for friendly relations was repeatedly expressed in every forum I
went to. This is not to be taken lightly: many of my public lectures were
either about (or on) science, but others dealt with deeply contentious
issues - nuclear weapons, India-Pakistan relations, and the Kashmir
conflict. Various Indian peace groups and NGOs organized public
discussions and screenings of the two documentaries that I had made (with
my friend Zia Mian): "Pakistan and India under the Nuclear Shadow", and
"Crossing the Lines - Kashmir, Pakistan, India".  To be sure, my views on
Indian policies and actions in Kashmir occasionally provoked knee-jerk
nationalistic responses and accusations of pushing "a Pakistani line". But
these were infrequent and even heated exchanges always remained within the
bounds of civility.

· Ignorance about Pakistan is widespread. In most public gatherings, and
certainly in every school that I spoke at, people had never seen a
Pakistani. A puzzled 12-year old girl asked me: "Sir, are you really a
Pakistani?". Many Indians have a misconception of Pakistan as a medieval,
theocratic state. In fact, only a few parts of Pakistan are really so. I
also encountered the belief that Pakistanis have been totally muzzled and
live in a police state. This is untrue - articles in the Pakistani press
are often blunter and more critical than in the Indian press. An Indian
friend hypothesized that knowledge of the other country is inversely
proportional to the geographical distance between our countries. 
Unfortunately this will remain true unless there is a substantial exchange
of visitors.

· Indians are deeply nationalistic and may dislike particular governments
but they only rarely criticize the Indian state. This is not difficult to
understand: the democratic process has given a strong sense of
participation to most citizens and has successfully forged a national
identity (except in Kashmir, and parts of the North East) that transcends
the immense diversity of Indian cultures. But this has an important
downside: nationalism is easy to mobilize and highly dangerous in matters
of war and conflict. I found the Indian elite (especially the former heads
of nuclear, space, and technology programs) condescending and irritatingly
smug. Even if India has done well in many respects, in most others it is
still behind the rest of the world. Fortunately, Pakistani intellectuals
are less attached to their nation state and therefore more forthright. The
reason is rather clear: three decades of military rule have dealt a
serious blow to nation building and firming up the Pakistani identity.

· Similarities between the two countries exceed the differences. Cities in
both countries are poisoned with thick car fumes and grid-locks are
frequent; megaslums and exploding populations threaten to swallow up the
countryside; electricity supplies are intermittent; and water is fast
disappearing from rivers and aquifers. The rural poor are fleeing to the
cities, and wretched beggars with amputated limbs are casually accepted as
part of the urban scenery. There is little long-term planning, and none at
all for coping with the inevitable changes that global warming will soon
bring.

India is upbeat about its future and the feeling of optimism is palpable
down to the lower middle class. The steady improvement in educational
quality and outreach, the growth of social movements that keep excesses of
power and authority in check, and a sense of participation among people
are among India's most significant gains. But its problems are no less
than its accomplishments. Will India's poor be able to find a voice, get
help in fighting superstitions and notions of caste, and be spared the
marginalization that accompanies globalization? Will India's leadership
have the wisdom to arrive at some reasonable accommodation on Kashmir,
cease obsessive militarization, and divert resources to pressing social
needs? These larger issues, and not just advances in science and
technology, will decide just how high India can rise.

------- Dr. Pervez Hoodbhoy is professor of physics at Quaid-e-Azam
University, Islamabad.

______

[5]

PAKISTAN: AN OPEN LETTER TO THE PAKISTAN 
PRESIDENT RE REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN AND LABOUR 
IN LOCAL GOVT  [February 2005]
URL: www.sacw.net/Labour/lettertoPakPres150205.html


o o o

[Pakistan] SLASHING WOMEN'S REPRESENTATION [IN LOCAL GOVERNMENT]
Editorial, Dawn [January 31, 2005]
URL: www.dawn.com/2005/01/31/ed.htm#3

______

[6]

www.sacw.net | February 17, 2005
INDIA: NEEDED A TSUNAMI TO DESTROY THE UGLY RELIC OF VARNA SYSTEM
by V.B.Rawat

When Tsunami hit the coastal belt of India, one 
question that haunted me was about the 
beaurocracy and caste prejudices. Tamilnadu, 
among all, fascinated my imagination due to my 
deep respect for the leader of self-respect 
movement EVR Periyar. This self-respect movement, 
I still feel, is needed even in the northern part 
of India. One cannot understand Tamilnadu in 
simplistic terms despite a huge success of the 
Self Respect Movement, Tamilnadu, over the last 
few years became a hunting ground of the Hindutva 
brigade, though by a different name. It also 
became a place to use the contrast between the 
backwards and the Dalits. While every political 
leader in India became victim of caste identity 
and hence Periyar was no exception yet the 
vilification campaign against Periyar had hurt 
all those rationalists who knew his philosophy 
was never castiest in nature. [...]

URL: www.sacw.net/free/vbrawat15022005.html


_______


[7]

DOCUMENTARY "BORN INTO BROTHELS" AND THE OSCARS: an
insider's point of view

Below is a letter I wrote to the Academy of Motion
Picture Arts and Sciences (AMPAS, the Oscar award
organizers) on this year's nominated documentary "Born
Into Brothels," a film I closely worked on. The film
is based on the lives of some kids of Kolkata's
(Calcutta) red light district Sonagachhi.

I waited a couple of weeks after sending in the letter
and because AMPAS did not respond to my letter (no
surprise), I decided to publish it in a few listservs
and send it to a few individuals.

There's no other motive than letting people know about
my own POV on the documentary. Having raised in
Kolkata myself, I think I have my rights to say a few
things about the "documenting" of the city.

This is not a typical "critique" of the film. Also,
the self-indulging comments about myself in the letter
are only to reinforce to them the notion that the
views are coming from someone who knows the "art and
the artists."

-Partha

__________

Executive Director
Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences
8949 Wilshire Boulevard
Beverly Hills
California 90211

February 1, 2005

Dear Executive Director:

Subject: Nominations for the 77th Annual Academy
Awards: Born Into Brothels

Your announced nominations for the upcoming 77th
Annual Academy Awards include in the Best Documentary
Feature section "Born into Brothels" (THINKFilm, A Red
Light Films, Inc. Production, by Ross Kauffman and
Zana Briski). I have been actively involved with the
making of the documentary especially in its
post-production stage. As a documentary filmmaker, a
Columbia University-trained journalist-turned-
activist and an avid admirer of the medium of film and
motion pictures, I am deeply concerned that the
nominations committee has perhaps overlooked some of
the probable, serious flaws contained within the film
ñ both ethical and stylistic.

In your official synopsis, the film is described as
follows: "While documenting the experiences of
prostitutes in Calcutta's red-light district,
photojournalist Zana Briski befriended many of their
children and decided to provide them with a chance to
record images from their own lives. Supplied with
cameras by Briski, the children present a portrait of
their harsh world that is both unique and insightful."

The above is indeed true. And I don't have any
problems finding credit for Ms. Briski and Mr.
Kauffman for the time they took to live with and
befriend the poor children. However, I take issues
with the often-explicit presumption by both the
filmmakers and the U.S. media personalities (including
the nominators at AMPAS) that the efforts by Ms.
Briski and Mr. Kauffman were able to uplift the
children from the poverty and destitution they live
in. In fact, that presumption is not true.

I visited these children a number of times during the
last couple of years and found out that almost all the
children are now living even a worse life than they
were in before Ms. Briski began working with
them. The children's despair has exacerbated because
they'd hoped that with active involvement in Ms.
Briski's camera project, there would be an opportunity
for them to live a better life. At the same time,
their sex worker parents believed that with so much
unrestricted access to their secretive lives they had
provided to the filmmakers, and that too, so
generously (were their written consent ever requested
and received by the filmmakers?), there would be a way
their children would also be sharing some of the
glories the filmmakers are now shining in. Alas, very
likely, they don't even know that their misery,
helplessness and traumas are now being
widely exposed and exploited to find fame and
prosperity.

Further, the film forgets to mention that Calcutta is
a city where its red-light district is a safe refuge
for its sex workers and their trade. With help from
hundreds of Calcuttan activists, social workers and
medical practitioners, Sonagachi (the district
depicted in the film) has become synonymous with many
struggles won by its inhabitants (for one, the HIV
rate among sex workers in Sonagachi is remarkably low:
5% compared to 80% in Mumbai). These sex workers and
their activist comrades have set up -- however
rudimentary -- financial institutions, health clinics,
sex education schools and blood banks in that
labyrinth of alleys that would otherwise be ignored
and rejected by the other side of Calcutta and its
elite doctors, artists, poets, filmmakers and
politicians (and I must say, I was one of this other
side for more than twenty five years of my life before
I moved into U.S.). The conjecture drawn by the makers
of Born into Brothels that it was only them that were
responsible for any humanity and benevolence doled out
to these children and their parents is simply absurd.
"It takes a village"

Stylistically, the documentary is in fact a mix of
real and fictitious shots and scenarios, the latter
being abundant throughout the film. This makes me
question the legitimacy of the film being labeled as a
documentary and not a fiction. A plethora of glitzy,
Bombay-film-industry (i.e., Bollywood) music has been
used to editorialize the film, which is troubling.

The most troubling, however, is the use of the final
piece of music that ends the "documentary" with an
apparent melodramatic note. This piece (it was in
there at the time the film was premiered at New
York City's Museum of Radio and Television in 2004)
has been directly "lifted" from the celebrated
Calcuttan film maestro, Oscar-winning Satyajit Ray's
Apu Trilogy finale. Is Ms. Briski or Mr. Kauffman
aware of this serious digression?

It is not my wish to personally tarnish the directors
and producers of Born into Brothels and I apologize
profusely in the event my assertions are found untrue.
However, I am troubled by the nominations and eulogies
heaped upon the film without some serious
re-examination. We Calcutta-born Americans who crave
for high art and creativity are already
much-undermined by many other attempts to relegate our
beloved city into ignominy. My opinion is that the
present so-called documentary is the latest addition
to that series of gross misrepresentations.

Thank you for your kind attention.

Sincerely,

Partha Banerjee
M.Sc. (Journalism), Ph.D. (Biology)
URL: www.geocities.com/chokmoki

_______


[8]   [UPCOMING EVENTS ]

Anhad invite you to meet the writer Aabid Surti 
at the release function of his latest book 'In 
the Name of Rama' on February 21, 2005 at 5pm at 
Anhad, 4, Windsor Place, on Ashoka Road, opp 
Kanishka Hotel, New Delhi-110001.

Aabid Surti has written over 80 books and won 
numerous awards including the "National Award for 
Literature". His books have been translated into 
over a dozen languages. He is also a renowned 
painter and cartoonist.

In The Name of Rama is a haunting and unusual 
love story inspired by a true life incident 
during the demolition of the Babri Masjid.

Ms Nafisa Ali will release the book and Prof. 
Kamal Mitra Chenoy would introduce the book.

Three Youth for Peace activists would read excerpts from the book

_______


[9]

Subject: WOMEN'S DAY EVENTS 5 & 8 march


FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Montreal women celebrate INTERNATIONAL WOMEN'S DAY 2005

On Saturday 5 March, for the fourth year in a 
row, the 8th March Coordination and Action 
Committee of Women of Diverse Origins, will be 
marking International Women's Day.  This year the 
day is dedicated to Milia Abrar, the young 
Montreal student of Bangladeshi origin who was 
murdered in October 1998.  Milia symbolizes for 
us the desire of women to live our lives on our 
own terms.  That her murderer walks free 
represents society's desire to keep women under 
control and to punish those who are seen to 
deviate.

Our theme this year "Global Reengineering: 
Feminization of Migration and Modern Slavery" 
represents the reality many of us live here and 
elsewhere. We identify the links between economic 
globalization and the controls exercised by 
powerful nations and corporations that continue 
to dominate and control people for increased 
profits. Their policies cause war, death, 
deprivation as well as increasing poverty, 
insecurity, violence and forced migration for the 
majority.

The day will kick off with a panel discussion - 
"Modern Slavery -- Working Conditions", 
"Feminization of Migration - Links to Policies, 
Experiences of Different Communities", "Sexual 
Violence as it Relates to Immigrant and Refugee 
Women" and "Women Against Fundamentalism". This 
will be followed with time to visit exhibits and 
information and literature tables and a community 
supper.

The highlight this year is a cultural show in the 
evening that will include Montreal performers - 
Tania Nesterovsky of Venezuelan origin, 
Iranian-born singer Homa and Montreal's all-women 
choir Choeur Maha .  The special guest 
performance will be The Hunt, choreographed and 
performed by Aparna Sindhoor the Boston-based 
dancer and teacher whose other creative works 
have won rave reviews.  Based on a short story by 
Mahasweta Devi, one of India's most revered women 
writers, The Hunt is about a tribal [indigenous] 
woman's battles against the destruction of her 
homeland, the loss of her tribe's traditions and 
her fight against the evils of patriarchy. 
Sindhoor is among a handful of 
dancer/choreographers in India and the West 
creating new movement within the classical Indian 
form, and using it to depict and address 
contemporary themes.  The music includes 
Australian aboriginal music, African drumming, 
Indian classical and folk music. Aparna Sindhoor 
will sing and recite text passages throughout the 
piece.

Schedule: 2-3pm registration; 3-5pm panel; 5-7pm 
exhibits, literature tables, dinner; 7-10pm 
performances.

Venue: Université du Québec à Montréal Afternoon 
panel: Pavillon Hubert Aquin, # AM 050, 400 
Ste-Catherine est;  evening Cultural 
performances, Salle Marie Gerin-Lajoie, Pavillon 
Judith-Jasmin, 405 Ste-Catherine est 
[Ste-Catherine and St-Denis; Berri metro]

Events are open to all. A contribution of $5-$10 
is suggested, but no-one will be prevented from 
attending. There will be simultaneous translation 
during the panel; free childcare also available 
in the afternoon.
.
Contact: TESS TESSALONA (514) 342-2111; (514) 
364-4916                 15 February 2005
-30-

_______


[10]

EXPERIMENTA 2005
the 3rd international festival for experimental film in India

India's ground breaking international film festival returns with an
exciting array of films that explore visions and ideas around
experimentation with the moving image. Celebrating its 3rd
successive year, EXPERIMENTA 2005 focuses on the extraordinary
spirit and radical vision of artist filmmakers, as it offers a
selection of 36 films that have been meticulously compiled by the
guest curators, Karen Mirza & Brad Butler (UK), Amrit Gangar
(India), Adolfas Mekas & Pola Chapelle (USA), alongside the Festival
Director, Shai Heredia (India).

BOMBAY:
February 23-26
@ the British Council auditorium, 2nd Floor, 
Mittal Towers C-wing, Nariman Point

NEW DELHI:
March 2-5
@ the British Council auditorium, 17 Kasturba Gandhi Marg

EXPERIMENTA is a Filter project in collaboration with no.w.here
(UK), and is funded by the British Council, EFX and Kodak India.

For further information, please contact 
tanya at filterindia.com or visit www.filterindia.com


_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on 
matters of peace and democratisation in South 
Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit 
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DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not
necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers.