[sacw] SACW | 16 Sept. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | 16 September 2002

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#1. The role of education in democracy (Ishtiaq Ahmed)
#2. India Pakistan Arms Race & Militarisation Watch (IPARMW) # 94
#3. India : Before it is too late in Gujarat (Harsh Mander)
#4. India: From Canteen-Manager To Carnagemonger (I.K.Shukla)
#5. India: Statement of Parents and Teachers on the National=20
Curriculum Framework for
School Education
#6. India: How government wilfully destroyed Tehelka (Shoma Chaudhury)

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#1.

The Daily Times (Lahore)
September 16, 2002

Op-ed: The role of education in democracy

Ishtiaq Ahmed
Technical education to the exclusion of social sciences can prove a=20
dangerous weapon in the hands of fanatics wanting to change the world=20
in a direction that leads directly to violent conflict and mass=20
destruction
John Stuart Mill, the great 19th century liberal thinker, believed=20
gifted individuals constituted the natural intellectual elite of a=20
country. But he rejected all suggestions that such an elite should be=20
closed and exclusive. Thus, while denying not only the right to=20
contest public office but also the right to vote to illiterates,=20
criminals and those who paid no taxes, he proposed a process of elite=20
expansion. The way up and into such an elite was through education.=20
The state was to provide liberal and rational education to the people=20
so that they may acquire the wherewithal to internalise a civic=20
culture that would enable them to act as responsible citizens. He=20
envisaged that with the spread of education more and more people=20
would be enfranchised and ultimately everybody would have the right=20
to vote. Such an electorate would then elect the most competent=20
people into positions of power and they would form the national elite.
The evolution of societies rarely follows the exact path laid down by=20
philosophers but some have exercised a profound influence on their=20
societies and beyond. Among them belongs Mill along with Karl Marx=20
and Fredrick Engels whose radical views on the dignity of labour=20
helped popularise the demand for free and compulsory education for=20
all people, besides the right to an eight-hour working day and the=20
collective right to bargain wages. In British India, the right to=20
contest office and to vote followed a slightly different logic =8B=20
property being given greater weightage than education. In the last=20
elections held during the winter of 1945-46, roughly only some 10 per=20
cent of the indigenous population had been given the right to vote.
The leaders of independent India and Pakistan, however, quickly=20
granted universal enfranchise and removed all educational and=20
property conditions for contesting public office. Such gestures=20
reflected the optimism that independence brings to a people and also=20
the confidence of the leaders that they enjoy their trust. The Indian=20
political system has been able to reproduce itself more or less=20
smoothly on such a basis, but one can wonder if its growing=20
deformities are not the result of the absence of universal education.=20
More then half the Indian population is still illiterate, and among=20
the literates are included people with only the bare ability to read=20
and write their names and perhaps a little more. This observation=20
should not be misconstrued to imply contempt for the common people.=20
Rather, my point is that illiterate people can be more easily=20
manipulated by extremist political parties. Thus in the recent=20
attacks on the Muslim minority in the Indian state of Gujarat, it was=20
young men from the dalits and OBCs (other backward castes), the=20
groups among whom the rate of literacy is much lower than among the=20
upper castes, who were at the forefront of the most vicious assaults=20
on the Muslim minority.
In Pakistan, the democratic experiment has yet to succeed, although=20
such hope has never been abandoned by its educated people. One can=20
say that President Musharraf=B9s demand that all candidates to the=20
federal and provincial legislatures should be holders of genuine=20
graduate degrees is the reassertion of Mill=B9s notion that only=20
educated people should have the right to sit in parliament and in the=20
executive branch of the government. The major problem is, of course,=20
that Pakistan=B9s overall educational standards are much lower than=20
that of India.
Moreover, whereas the BJP-led Indian government has only recently=20
given the green light to the vulgarisation of education by=20
commissioning the rewriting of history according to the Hindutva=20
ideology (which includes conferring respectability to astrology and=20
other superstitions as proper subjects offered in some universities)=20
education in Pakistan has been the casualty of such distortions=20
already for at least the last twenty years when a concerted effort=20
was made to brainwash students by feeding them huge dozes of myths=20
and prejudices backed by bizarre attempts to explain nuclear energy=20
as a form of jinns mentioned in the Quran. Prof. K. K. Aziz and Prof.=20
Pervez Hoodbhoy have already written outstanding works on this=20
subject and one need not labour further the point that without=20
rational and liberal education democracy in Pakistan will always be=20
precarious and distorted.
It would therefore be most appropriate if educationists, progressive=20
reformers and human rights activists demand that whosoever comes to=20
power in Pakistan after the elections should order a complete=20
overhaul of the educational policy of Pakistan. The founders of=20
modern India for some strange reason made general education a=20
provincial subject but also set up a number of prestigious national=20
universities funded directly by the central government. The result is=20
a fairly high standard of education at the highest level while at the=20
mass level education is quite poor and in many areas and regions=20
hardly any facilities exist.
Can we not for once be one up on India in a positive manner and=20
invest our efforts in bringing cheap and useful education to all=20
citizens of Pakistan? This should mean that education should be made=20
free and compulsory at the elementary level. It should teach the=20
young pupils not only the skills to read and write but also instill=20
values that stand for the respect of the dignity and integrity of all=20
individuals. Subsidised education at the middle, higher and=20
university levels should also be the absolute commitment of the state=20
to its citizens. It is most important that all branches of learning=20
receive equal emphasis. While technical education is indeed central=20
to economic development, the experience of recent years is that=20
without exposure to social sciences and humanities technologically=20
educated persons easily succumb to fundamentalist fantasies =8B=20
engineers of all sorts, doctors, computer designers =8B seem to be easy=20
prey to extremist ideas.
In particular, courses on sociology and political ethics need to be=20
made compulsory in all branches of learning. Without knowing=20
something about how societies function and can be improved upon=20
through proper policy, technical education can prove a dangerous=20
weapon in the hands of fanatics wanting to change the world in a=20
direction that leads directly to violent conflict and mass=20
destruction.
The author is an associate professor of Political Science at=20
Stockholm University. He has authored two books and written=20
extensively for various newspapers and journals

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#2.

India Pakistan Arms Race & Militarisation Watch (IPARMW) # 94
15 September 2002

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/IPARMW/message/105

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#3.

Frontline
Volume 19 - Issue 19, September 14 - 27, 2002

Harsh Mander Column

Before it is too late

The wanton subversion of relief and rehabilitation in Gujarat.

THE survivors of the brutal mass violence in Gujarat today long,=20
above all, just to get on with life. Many have been bereaved, an even=20
greater number have been pauperised, and an entire community is=20
alienated and traumatised. A large majority of those battered by the=20
carnage are working class people, and with their characteristic mix=20
of resilience, industry, fatalism and optimism, barely six months=20
after the inferno devastated their homes, lives and trust, more than=20
anything else they wish to pick up the frayed and tenuous strings of=20
their lives, and begin all over again.

The relief camps in Ahmedabad and the rest of the state are now=20
almost empty. To an external observer, this may lend credence to the=20
State government's claims that normalcy has been restored, that=20
rehabilitation has been accomplished, and that allegations that the=20
survivors remain destitute and insecure are part of the mischievous=20
propaganda of activists and politicians who have a vested interest to=20
keep the communal cauldron simmering. This would have been true if=20
the State had established relief camps, ensured justice and security,=20
and mobilised the State machinery to muster the resources that the=20
affected women, men and children would need to rebuild their homes=20
and livelihoods. Such official efforts are elementary to good=20
governance and a civilised polity, and since Independence this has=20
indeed been the stated policy of governments in India in all instance=20
of such major tragedies. There may have been failures of relief and=20
rehabilitation, but not its open, wanton and deliberate perversion.

Public authorities in Gujarat not only refused to extend relief, or=20
rehabilitate those destroyed by the waves of mass violence that=20
followed the horrific torching of a railway compartment in Godhra,=20
but systematically created roadblocks for other agencies which=20
attempted to substitute for the State and forced the closure of=20
relief camps after giving people a pittance to compensate for their=20
losses. This impunity of the State is, in some ways, more grave than=20
its complicity in the massacre that occurred in the wake of the=20
tragedy in Godhra. This is because such impunity is unprecedented in=20
the experience of independent India and also because the State=20
authorities remain brazen and determined in their denial, unmoved by=20
the enormity of the suffering of a section of its people, by the=20
outrage of constitutional agencies such as the National Human Rights=20
Commission and the Election Commission, by judicial pronouncements,=20
by media exposure, and by petitions at all levels including the=20
highest in the land, by activists, concerned citizens and affected=20
people.

The denial of relief and rehabilitation by the government of Gujarat=20
is a harrowing and disgraceful tale of a premeditated, unrepentant,=20
merciless and perverse exercise of public authority. It began in the=20
immediate aftermath of the mass violence. Terrified survivors, women,=20
men, girls and boys, fled to enclaves of safety that they located,=20
with only the clothes on their backs. These shelters were mostly open=20
spaces in Muslim ghettoes in cities, towns and villages; places of=20
worship; schools; parks; and sometimes graveyards. Initially, people=20
slept under the open sky. As the numbers continued to swell, to well=20
over a hundred thousand people in Ahmedabad alone and more than half=20
that number in other parts of the State, voluntary teams were formed,=20
mostly in a spontaneous manner, to manage the camps. These teams=20
mustered stockpiles of food supplies, medicines and drinking water,=20
organised facilities for sanitation, and arranged cooks and health=20
and sanitary workers.

As the weeks and months elapsed, the State was barely visible amidst=20
these admirable but austere self-help efforts of the affected=20
communities. After almost 10 days, the district administration began=20
to supply the camps with uncooked food rations and arrange occasional=20
visits of medical teams. In the two decades that I spent in the civil=20
services, I have never observed a single instance earlier when the=20
State did not lead relief operations after a major disaster,=20
human-made or natural. The organisation of relief and rehabilitation=20
is central to the training and traditions of the civil services.=20
Governments in the past may have faltered in the outcomes of their=20
programmes. But the Gujarat carnage of 2002 marks a sordid first in=20
which civil service functionaries consented to merciless political=20
dictates and cooperated to abdicate responsibility for relief and,=20
over time, even to thwart community efforts to provide shelter and=20
succour to the hapless survivors.

The facilities that the organisers of the camps could muster for=20
sanitation, bathing and drinking water were painfully inadequate,=20
bereft as they were of state support. The Sahmat (Safdar Hashmi=20
Memorial Trust) fact-finding team in March found only one mobile=20
toilet with four chambers for nearly 9,000 people in the Shah-e-Alam=20
camp. A month later the numbers in the camp had swelled to a high of=20
12,000 but there were only 18 toilets. Even these became badly=20
clogged as they were rarely cleaned, and emanated a nauseating stench=20
and attracted swarms of flies. Often they were completely=20
dysfunctional.

The summer temperatures were pitiless, and the mercury pushed to=20
45oC, sometimes higher. Life in the relief shelters became even=20
harder - old people, children and women listlessly sought shade under=20
the tattered shamianas or the few trees that dotted the graveyards=20
and open grounds. The residents of the camps were even more=20
threatened with the arrival of the monsoons. State authorities=20
refused, despite repeated representations, court injunctions and even=20
a delegation led by former Prime Minister I.K. Gujral to the Prime=20
Minister, to build rain-proof shelters to protect the survivors from=20
the ravages of the rains. Across the city of Ahmedabad, there are a=20
number of massive disused buildings of long-closed cotton mills and=20
the permission of courts could have been sought to provide them=20
shelter in these buildings. The stubborn refusal of the State=20
authorities to build or requisition adequate shelters suggests that=20
they hoped that the onset of the monsoon would result in the forced=20
closure of all camps and establish a mirage of normalcy in the run-up=20
to the announcement of Assembly elections.

However, local organisations such as the Citizen's Initiative in=20
Ahmedabad mustered donations of cash, materials and voluntary labour=20
to erect rain-proof shelters in several camps. Blue plastic sheets=20
stretched out on bamboo scaffolding afforded the most minimal=20
protection to the residents of the camps. But as sheets of rain fell=20
continuously in the early days of the monsoon (which subsequently=20
failed), women miserably clutched their children around them and=20
rainwater gathered in puddles and dirty, unruly streams in the=20
low-lying graveyards and open grounds where the camps were located.

The camps gradually emptied as all except the most terrified or=20
destitute residents left for their old damaged homes, or to live with=20
relatives within or outside the State. Or, dozens of people crowded=20
together, in small hired rooms in Muslim ghettoes. After the onset of=20
the monsoon in late June, some 20,000 people remained in around 27=20
camps in Ahmedabad. Unmoved by their plight, the district=20
administration pasted notices at several of these camps, demanding=20
that they be disbanded and the residents dispersed or relocated. The=20
State government even stopped the supply of food and occasional=20
medical supplies. The notice from the District Collector added=20
ominously that if people persisted with staying in the camps, the=20
government would not be responsible if any 'aafat', or calamity,=20
overcame them.

The Collector, when contacted, insisted that he only wanted to=20
relocate the residents to the big camps, Shah-e-Alam and Dariyakan=20
Ghummat, where facilities would continue to be extended. However,=20
people refused to move there because they wanted to remain close to=20
their old homes, which they were now trying to rebuild, or to find=20
some kind of casual work. The Collector could not explain how he was=20
going to provide shelter and facilities to more residents in the big=20
camps when the government had provided absolutely no protection from=20
rain and had offered only minimal facilities for sanitation and=20
drinking water even to their original population.

DIONNE BUNSHA
Rebuilding homes in Naroda Patiya, Ahmedabad, where around 112 people=20
were killed in a communal attack. Even now many people visit their=20
homes only during the day.

The camp organisers increasingly found themselves under intense=20
official pressure to close the camps. Starved of food supplies, some=20
camps persisted for two months or more with donations raised by=20
voluntary organisations. A small number of camps continue to operate,=20
but are without food supplies. They are just primitive covered spaces=20
that extend a bare semblance of shelter to internal refugees with=20
nowhere to go. One by one, even the big camps, such as Dariyakan=20
Ghummat and Shah-e-Alam, were closed. The camp organisers today face=20
the continuing wrath of the hapless residents who were turned away=20
from the camps at short notice. But they defend themselves with=20
stories of diverse arm-twisting techniques resorted to by a doggedly=20
hostile administration.

Matters have become worse with the State government's 'compensation'=20
for the loss of lives, injuries and for homes, business=20
establishments and livelihoods destroyed. 'Compensation' is a=20
heartless, callous word. What in the world can compensate the=20
violent, barbarous death or rape of loved ones; the destruction of=20
one's home with all its dreams and memories; or the loss of work that=20
gives one dignity and succour? Instead, one should perhaps talk more=20
humbly of 'government assistance' to help the survivors to rebuild=20
what they have lost.

In human-made and natural disasters of the past, the government has=20
never been able to substitute for all the economic losses suffered by=20
a family. But the grants and soft loans were designed to be=20
sufficient, at least in theory, to enable the survivors to craft a=20
new beginning and eventually restore themselves to their old=20
situation. In Gujarat, there is even no such claim. Take shelters,=20
for instance. The Prime Minister, in his sole encounter with the=20
survivors of the carnage, in the Shah-e-Alam camp in Ahmedabad,=20
announced an assistance of Rs.50,000 for every destroyed or damaged=20
home. The government interpreted this assurance to define the ceiling=20
for compensation for damaged housing (which, incidentally, is far=20
lower than the Rs.90,000 ceiling for earthquake victims in Gujarat a=20
year earlier), and set a limit of Rs.5,000. For all movable property=20
in the house - clothes, gadgets, jewellery, money, utensils,=20
everything that a poor or middle-class family has accumulated through=20
years of industry and saving - the families were compensated at a=20
flat rate of Rs.2,500.

In my own survey in the Vatwa Jehangir Nagar camp in Ahmedabad, I=20
found that the compensation paid was drastically lower than the=20
officially estimated damage to houses and no explanation was provided=20
for this. Firozebhai Peerozi received Rs.3,000 against a damage=20
assessment of Rs.90,000. Abdul Bhai was given the same amount for=20
losses recorded at Rs.45,000. Asghar Bhai Abbasi received Rs.4,900=20
for a loss recorded at Rs.75,000. Mehboobbhai Ansari got Rs.21,750 to=20
compensate losses recorded at Rs.2,41,600.

It would be impossible for any family to rebuild their homes with=20
such paltry sums. Their crisis is aggravated because, in a decisive=20
and cruel departure from the past, soft loans for housing or=20
livelihoods are not being extended to the survivors. Apart from some=20
niggardly grants, they have had no support from public institutions=20
to reconstruct their homes.

The abdication is even greater in the matter of livelihoods. There=20
are no government circulars to compensate for damage to business=20
establishments, factory buildings, shops, machines or merchandise.=20
Likewise, no compensation is available for losses to agricultural=20
implements.

There is one government circular which says that small shopkeepers=20
and those with self-owned earning assets such as hand-carts, sheds,=20
cabins and vehicles which have suffered damage will be granted=20
ex-gratia relief up to Rs.10,000. Another brutal departure from past=20
policy is the decision to converge grants and soft loans under=20
various government schemes and public institutions to assist people=20
whose livelihoods are crippled by riots. The government order=20
explicitly debars persons who have received assistance under this=20
scheme from being eligible for any other government grant or loan.

In the Jehangir Nagar camp, 22-year-old Noor Bano clutches her infant=20
son who was born in the camp. The camp is officially closed; the=20
government stopped supplying rations two months ago and the once=20
thriving common kitchen has wound up. But almost 800 people continue=20
to live in the camp because they have nowhere to go. Just five days=20
before the monsoon broke over Ahmedabad, volunteers from an=20
autorickshaw union in Andhra Pradesh toiled round the clock with=20
young men from the camp to build rain-proof shelters which provide=20
them some protection. But food is scarce, and Noor Bano's husband=20
Sirajuddin looks around for casual work when he does not do the=20
volunteer's work of accompanying patients from the camp to the=20
hospital. They owned a hand-cart, sold plastic toys and utensils, and=20
lived as tenants in Nawapara Darbanagar. With Noor Bano, in an=20
advanced stage of pregnancy, and with their two small sons, they fled=20
to the safety of this camp when the violence broke out. Their=20
hand-cart was destroyed and their home was burnt and looted; not a=20
shred remains. They received a cheque for Rs.1,800 for the damage to=20
their home but gave this to their landlord when he demanded it from=20
them. An aid agency gave them a hand-cart, but without working=20
capital they are trapped and continue to live in a camp that the=20
government refuses to recognise.

Halima, who stays in the same camp, was abandoned by her husband 18=20
years ago. She used to work as a part-time domestic help, and also=20
plied a hand-cart, selling vegetables. The cart was burnt, her=20
employment was terminated and her house burnt. Against an official=20
damage assessment of Rs.90,000, she was offered a cheque for=20
Rs.3,000. She initially refused to accept it, but was advised that=20
she should take what she was given. She has returned to her home. A=20
voluntary organisation plastered her damaged walls with cement, but=20
they are fragile and could fall any time. She scrubs the burnt tiles=20
and there is no electricity and water supply. She languishes there=20
during the day but at night returns to the security and comradeship=20
of the camps.

HUMANE standards of relief and rehabilitation seemed light years away=20
when I made one of the most painful journeys of my life, exactly six=20
months after the massacre. It was a trek of less than a kilometre, in=20
the bylanes of Naroda, witness to the most brutal bloodshed in the=20
history of Ahmedabad.

With me were 'aman pathiks', or peace workers, young people who had=20
volunteered to serve and heal in response to our call after the=20
carnage. Following the forced closure of Shah-e-Alam camp a few days=20
earlier, refugees had been coerced to return with their families to=20
what remained of their homes in this settlement of dread. Some slept=20
in a cramped madrassa, others with relatives. As we walked, they=20
pointed to the remains of their homes. Tenement after tenement of=20
charred houses, collapsed masonry, cracked walls, open skies, burnt=20
heaps, all crowded with aching memories. They recreated for us the=20
ghoulish events, the murders, burning, rape, the terror, the escape,=20
and the ones who could not get away.

As we walked, our eyes repeatedly clouded and our shoulders stooped.=20
This is not the country that we have loved and been nurtured by. We=20
must reclaim it. Or one day it may be too late.

____

#4.

FROM CANTEEN-MANAGER TO CARNAGEMONGER
I.K.Shukla

The following being an account of how a cannibal first appeared in=20
the guise of a canteen manager and thence graduated to a CM, short=20
for carnagemonger, does not aspire to the status of either a parable=20
or a crime thriller. However, it may not make a very pleasant reading=20
all by itself unless you are in the business of managing a canteen=20
and aspiring to be a mayhem-manager. Therefore, it meanders through=20
diversions just to add some spice and relief while you patiently=20
endure the ordeal.

On Thursday Sep. 12 in the popular American TV show Word Wrestling=20
Entertainment, Kurt Angle thrice tried to say how he, the man, would=20
squash his opponent Rey Mysterio, a mere boy. But every time it came=20
out of his mouth as if he as a pederast is going to destroy a young=20
boy. Thrice defeated, he gave up in desperation, utterly amazed and=20
flustered, the large audience of viewers tickled no end, whether=20
about his linguistic discomfiture or about the smut he continually=20
vomited remaining moot.

Narbhakshi (man-eater) Maddie, the scientist of "Hindu Rashtra=20
laboratory", shares in common with Kurt Angle, besides pugilistic=20
prowess, this singularly assinine virtue of linguistic lethality.=20
Whichever way he may use his scanty and flinty pebble-horde of=20
language, whichever side of his ossified mouth he may prod into=20
action, however "subtle" "smart" or "sober" he may strain to appear,=20
he comes off braying invariably as a fulsome idiot, as a rank=20
poltroon. That he unfailingly manages to do that all the time is=20
nothing short of a miracle. I would refrain from quoting his=20
putrescent utterances which betray his habitat: the midden and only=20
soil the page.

The flaky and filthy language he is equipped with consists of banal=20
slogans alternating with yelps, the distinguishing hallmark of the=20
Rashtriya Shatru Sangh=92s leaders and cadres, the brainwashed bozos=20
and stunted homonids. Any vista beyond that, of culture and language,=20
manners and morals, is too abstruse, too complex, and too intricate=20
for them to enter or even wish to enter. This incapacity stunts both=20
their intelligence and ethics. That is why reason, logic, order,=20
sequence, correlation between ideas and expression, coherence, and=20
cognitive lucidity remain elusive and unearthly concepts for them=20
throughout their lives. MadVani patting Maddie the Grocer for a "job=20
well done" in Gujarat is a case in point.

Hence they never grow, except on the dead and stale carrion of=20
mindless incantations, incessant repetition working as a hypnotic=20
stimulant. Not only are they scared of complexity and variform as too=20
taxing for their constricted and cretinous brains, but also whenever=20
confronted with such encounters they either dodge it with irrelevant=20
monstrosities or substitute brawn for brain. This innate poverty they=20
hail as their armor, they cherish as their victory. In exasperation,=20
all you can say then is: arguments and statement of facts are all I=20
can give you, alas, but not brains.

This linguistic handicap is cognate with deficit of ideas. When=20
Narpishach Mody speaks, which itself would be rare, both because no=20
listeners would be available and also because he cannot arrange ideas=20
into verbal articulation easily or frequently, froth at the mouth=20
however pitiably hard he and his ilk may, it is an event. Not because=20
he and his cohorts speak sense, but just because they spring a=20
surprise by managing to speak some semblance of a human language=20
which may either mean nothing or sound necromantic. Rashtra Sanharak=20
Sangh (Destroyers of the Nation) practices necrolatry, with good=20
reason. It lives in and feeds on a past too long dead and too=20
dreadful to contemplate. Maggots are its soul mates.

That is why, in terms other than semantic, say olfactory, Modi and=20
his horde stink worse than skunks. This is an analogical=20
approximation. Not that skunks are as mean and murderous as CM=20
Grocer. (Apologies to skunks for any unintentional hurt to their=20
feelings. Everybody knows they only spread stench, not perpetrate=20
mass slaughter).

Take a good look at CM's eyes. They look stony, plucked from a statue=20
in a museum of pre-historic oddities, and set in his sockets. They=20
scare you, in that they seem to belong to a dead human of times lost.=20
Contrast these dead eyes of a so-called alive person (Narpishach)=20
with the vibrant eyes of The Stone Woman (a novel, part of a trilogy=20
by Tariq Ali) who, in silence and sympathy, receives confidences and=20
shares secrets of generations of men and women of a particular=20
family. The Stone Woman listens, comforts, and heals them, however=20
temporarily, however tenuously. On the other hand, CM Grocer=92s=20
eyes, stone cold, unmoving, unmoved, stare you mad, scare you dead,=20
in brief, turn you into stone. The Grocer carries this contagion,=20
hence he is hated as a dreaded plague. Unless you are subhuman, or a=20
man-eater of Kumaon, strayed in Gujarat, a half-formed anthropoid, or=20
a primitive freak in formaldehyde, you will avoid being within miles=20
of Grocer Nero.

I anticipate you wondering how he rose from a mere Canteen Manager to=20
be the CM of Hindu Rashtra. CM to CM is no distance at all horizontal=20
or vertical. He cooked then, he is cooking now. Only this time he is=20
having Christians, Muslims, Dalits, and women roasted as edibles. He=20
was appointed by the HinduTaliban to be the Carnagemonger, adroitly=20
camouflaged under the title of Chief Monster. That is why he went on=20
a spree of mass murders times without number. He had proved in the=20
1960s how well he cooked minorities (Muslims). He had inspired=20
MadVani in 1990 to cook humans from Somnath to Ayodhya, which the=20
latter did with =E9clat, and emptied India of 4000 Muslims. That is=20
when his star in the saffronazi sky soared.

MadVani felt obliged to reciprocate by asking him to cook Gujarat,=20
then India. The team turned Gujarat into an oven where, just by way=20
of experiment, over 3000 Muslims were roasted alive. Shock Singh Owl=20
of leatherface wants Muslims roasted all over India, which, he would=20
turn into a refugee camp of sub-continental dimensions. He has=20
Maddies and MadVanis and Asatya Bhashi Payees as his trusted comrades=20
and collaborators in this gigantic enterprise. ABV asked in New York=20
"What is wrong with saffronization of education?" in an event=20
organized by the Neophyte and Renegade Indians (NRIs).

BJP would not make anyone unproven Carnage Manufacturer and Manager.=20
It chose a self-confessed murderer, Rastogi, as its honcho in the=20
NCERT. A thug of unbroken criminal record is now the hegemon of UP=20
saffros. A Pindari is vying for honors with Maddie in accursed=20
Gujarat. Bharat is now groaning under CMs, i.e.,Cannibals and=20
Murderers, all draped in saffron. Unless India is purged and cleansed=20
of these enemies of the nation they will have succeeded in their=20
project of roasting all of India in the fires of hell, making the=20
nation a vast oven of infamy, a nation turned to ashes.
=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=
=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=
=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0=A0
15Sep.02

____

#5.

[ 15 September 2002]

Statement of Parents and Teachers on the National Curriculum Framework for
School Education

As parents and teachers of schoolchildren, we are deeply concerned over the
National Curriculum Framework (NCF) for School Education prepared by the
National Council for Educational Research and Training (NCERT). The NCERT
was set up by the Government of India in 1961 to advise and assist the
Ministry of Education in the formulation and implementation of policies in
school education. The NCERT has prepared similar Curriculum Frameworks in
1975 and 1988. These Curriculum Frameworks have, in the past, influenced
the school syllabi of almost every State in the country. The influential
role of the NCERT requires us to closely examine the present National
Curriculum Framework.

School education should inculcate a quest for truth, a logical bent of mind
and the faculty of scientific reasoning. It must foster a secular and
democratic approach to life and to society, enabling the student to rise
above casteist, communal, linguistic and other parochial prejudices. It
must develop social awareness, a sense of obligation to society, a sense of
dignity of labour, and strength of character to fight against exploitation
and injustice. We are aware that school curricula and syllabi do not
adequately address these objectives, and we support genuine efforts at
reform. But we are deeply disturbed to note that the NCF, while paying lip
service to many of these objectives, arrives at contrary results through
its recommendations.

In particular, (i) we are completely opposed to the NCF=92s recommendation =
of
introduction of religious ideas and teachings into the curriculum and co-
curricular activities. In a multi-religious nation like ours, peaceful
coexistence of all is possible only if religion is treated as a private
matter of its citizens, and religious concepts should not be introduced
into school subjects. The values that we have enumerated above should be
promoted in schools through development of scientific temper and its
application to tackle problems in society. (ii) while we value the learning
of vocational skills as a part of education, we are opposed to the
vocationalisation of education that is the underlying philosophy of the
entire NCF. The purpose of education, as we have stated above, is to build
the citizens of tomorrow, with all-round human abilities, not just
vocational skills for the market.

The concept of the Indian nation inherent in the NCF, as an ancient and
changeless entity free of social contradictions, is ahistorical and
erroneous. The attempt to inculcate national pride through the application
of this erroneous concept in all subjects will damage both national pride
and a correct sense of our history. The NCF falsely glorifies the system of
education that prevailed in pre-colonial times and seeks to revive aspects
of it. In reality, that system of education was, understandably, neither
national nor modern. It was rooted in the caste system, and was appropriate
for local agricultural production, trade and administration. The NCF
completely ignores the efforts of our 19th century social reformers, who
forced changes in the colonial educational system to include the best of
Western thought in order to create a new Indian character.

The NCF invokes `globalisation=92 to advocate a number of sweeping changes =
in
pedagogy and curriculum. It creates a false impression that current methods
of teaching and learning are completely useless and need to be swept away.
In particular, it attacks and devalues the standing and role of the teacher
in the education process. Simultaneously, it valorises `learning how to
learn=92 by students at the cost of much of the existing curriculum on
subjects like history. In our opinion, a student who passes out of school
should be grounded in basic concepts of the natural and social sciences, as
well as in art and literature. The sacrifice of content at this early stage
would be an opportunity lost for building character and outlook that would
be a lifelong asset for both the individual and society. The role of the
teacher in this process is crucial.

Globalisation is a contentious topic on even the definition of which, there
is little consensus. Based on one=92s location in society, and based on
perceptions of future gains and losses, the undefined phenomenon is both
hailed and condemned. Its complexities can be understood only with a sound
grasp of history and economics, and is usually a research area in higher
education. The NCF=92s own references to globalisation suggest that
oversimplified and one-sided versions are to be taught at school level. We
strongly oppose this.

In its pronouncements on language teaching, the NCF creates highly
avoidable confusion. An assertion that Hindi is fast becoming the lingua
franca of the country is injudicious and not backed by evidence. While
Sanskrit is a rich language and a worthy optional subject of study, the NCF
seems to suggest that it will become a compulsory subject at the primary or
upper primary stage. Language teaching is compartmentalised into `pure=92 a=
nd
`applied=92 forms, and `functional=92 courses are advocated, which would on=
ly
hamper linguistic development.

We also object to the substitution of the learning of science by `science
and technology=92. Science provides the fundamentals while technology is an
evolving process building on basic science. The merit of the Indian
education system has been in building sound fundamentals which has enabled
Indians to perform well anywhere in the world. Compromising that element of
the education system would be a retrograde step from all perspectives. At
school-level, it is far more important to gain a firm foundation in the
concepts of science. Similarly, the NCF's ideas for mathematics suggest
that the curriculum will be diluted by orienting it towards mundane
applications alone. These changes will seriously hamper the development of
scientific reasoning and outlook among school students.

We are completely opposed to the proposed distortion of the teaching of
history by the NCF. The proposal to reduce the quantum of history in the
social science syllabus is fraught with grave dangers. The present would be
a meaningless jumble of events unless it is informed by a sense of history.
The NCF's proposals imply that that there will be no teaching of historical
developments in chronological order, or of methods of historical analysis.
Over-emphasis on the cultural heritage of India, lack of emphasis on
economic and political history, and the proposal to change the "Europe-
centred view of the world", would result in unacceptable distortions. The
assimilation of European scientific, economic and political thought,
contributing to the creation of a national freedom movement, is one of the
important elements of Indian national consciousness. The NCF=92s proposals
negate this historical truth.

The most pernicious proposals in the NCF are those that will lead to the
further deepening and legitimisation of class divisions in education. The
rationalisation that most students will drop out of education after the
higher secondary stage has no place in an education policy document. We
also reject the NCF=92s plan to create vocational and academic streams afte=
r
the secondary stage. A close reading of the NCF document clearly indicates
that it is a blueprint to push the poor and the socially disadvantaged
sections of our society to the vocational stream using a distorted
interpretation of "equality of opportunity" and "dignity of labour".

The NCF is already mired in controversy, it has been challenged by a Public
Interest Litigation in the Supreme Court on grounds of its content, as well
as the procedure by which it has been finalised. The NCF was finalised
without referring it to the Central Advisory Board on Education (CABE),
which has eminent educationists and State Education Ministers as its
members. The Supreme Court stayed implementation of the language and social
science curricula until disposal of the case. A number of educationists,
teachers and Principals of public schools in Delhi have issued a statement
demanding withdrawal and re-examination of the NCF.

Our study of the NCF makes it clear to us that its premises and contents
are fundamentally inimical to scientific, secular and democratic education,
and its accessibility to all, the concepts of which are a legacy of our
freedom movement. We therefore find no scope to improve the NCF and reject
it completely. In doing so, we also question previous policy
recommendations and decisions on the basis of which much of the current NCF
is framed. While we support the petitioners=92 challenge of the NCF in the
Supreme Court, we recognise the need for parents and teachers to be much
more organised and aware of syllabus and curriculum design processes.
Regardless of the Court=92s verdict, we are of the firm opinion that the
NCERT should start the NCF preparation exercise afresh, involving CABE and
inviting wide participation from parents, teachers and educationists in the
true sense.

1. Poonam Batra
2. Mukul Priyadarshini
3. Rajesh R.
4. Smita Gupta
5. Gayatri Ratnam
6. Jayati Ghosh
7. Abhijit Sen
8. S.N. Shabbeer
9. M. Ragiba
10. Rukmini Datta
11. S. Nandakumar
12. Shiney Varghese
13. Madhu Sarin
14. Apoorvanand
15. Aromar Revi
16. Prakash Kashwan
17. Sheema Mookherjee
18. Mohammed Imran
19. Francis Lobo
20. Rupa Mukerji
21. Geeta Nambisan
22. Govind Shahani
23. Bharati Jagannathan
24. Viren Lobo
25. Depinder Singh
26. Ajinder Kaur
27. Kavitha Anand
28. Abdul Mabood
29. Manvinder Singh
30. Suminder Kaur
31. D.N. Kalia
32. Rajive Tiwari
33. Preeti Vajpeyi
34. Kabir Vajpeyi
35. Suvasini Iyer
36. Sonia Shamihoke
37. Gita Dewan Verma
38. Daman Singh
39. Ragini Bajaj
40. Tarun Debnath
41. Rajneesh Rastogi

____

#6.

The Hindustan Times, Monday, September 16, 2002

The Lagaan team
Shoma Chaudhury

Here=B9s the inside story of how this BJP-led NDA government wilfully=20
destroyed Tehelka

At about 6.30 pm everyday, over the last several months, a motley=20
bunch of us have been regrouping at what once used to be the sappy,=20
livewire offices of tehelka.com. We laughingly call ourselves =B3the=20
Lagaan team=B2: a ragtag combination of tea-boys, secretaries, unpaid=20
journalists, and beleaguered editors =8B not more than 10 or 15, we are=20
all that=B9s left of a spry young media outfit that took on the Indian=20
government.
[...] .
http://www.hindustantimes.com/news/printedition/160902/detIDE01.shtml

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