[sacw] SACW #1 | 10 April. 02

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire #1 | 9 April 2002
http://www.mnet.fr

__________________________

#1. Who Really Killed Daniel Pearl? (Tariq Ali)
#2. India : A group of journalists attacked by police in the state of=20
Gujarat (Reporters Sans Frontiers)
#3. Beyond ideology : In Gujarat hatred is now the only passion=20
(Rajdeep Sardesai)
#4. HEY RAM !!! Genocide in the Land of Gandhi A film by Gopal Menon
#5. Attack at Sabarmati Ashram: Result of a Nexus of=20
Communal-Capitalist forces (Medha Patkar)
#6. Needed, a law on genocide ( V. S. Mani)
#7. Tale of a city - The price journalists have to pay for telling=20
the truth (Janyala Srinivas)
#8. An endless wait for Kaifi's New India (Saeed Naqvi)
#9. The longest 72 hours in history (Pamela Philipose)
#10. To Make Neighbours Envious (Parimal Bhattacharya)
#11. Sainik Farms to Modi's Gujarat (Jug Suraiya)

__________________________

#1.

Counter Punch
April 5, 2002

Who Really Killed Daniel Pearl?
The US is ignoring evidence of links with Pakistan's secret service

By Tariq Ali
in Lahore, Pakistan

It has been a stunningly beautiful spring in Pakistan. But the=20
surface calm is deceptive. When the war in Afghanistan began, I=20
suggested that the Taliban would be rapidly defeated and that the=20
"jihadi" organisations and their patrons would regroup in Pakistan=20
and, sooner or later, start punishing General Musharraf's regime.=20
This process is now under way.

In recent months, the jihadis have scored three big hits: the=20
kidnapping and brutal murder of the Wall Street Journal reporter,=20
Daniel Pearl; the assassination of the interior minister's brother;=20
and the bombing of a church in the heart of Islamabad's tightly=20
protected diplomatic enclave. There have also been targeted killings=20
of professionals in Karachi: more than a dozen doctors belonging to=20
the Shi'a minority have been shot.

All these acts were designed as a warning to Pakistan's military=20
ruler: if you go too far in accommodating Washington, your head will=20
also roll. Some senior journalists believe an attempt on Musharraf's=20
life has already taken place. Are these acts of terrorism actually=20
carried out by hardline groups such as Jaish-e-Mohammed and Harkatul=20
Ansar, which often claim them? Probably, but these groups are only a=20
shell. Turn them upside down and the rational kernel is revealed in=20
the form of Pakistan's major intelligence agency - the Inter-Services=20
Intelligence (ISI), whose manipulation of them has long been clear.

Those sections of the ISI who patronised and funded these=20
organisations were livid at "the betrayal of the Taliban". Being=20
forced to unravel the only victory they had ever scored - the Taliban=20
takeover in Kabul - created enormous tensions inside the army. Unless=20
this background is appreciated, the terrorism shaking the country=20
today is inexplicable.

Colin Powell's statement of March 3, exonerating the ISI from any=20
responsibility for Pearl's disappearance and murder, is shocking. Few=20
in Pakistan believe such assurances. Musharraf was not involved, but=20
he must know what took place. He has referred to Pearl as an "over-=20
intrusive journalist" caught up in "intelligence games". Has he told=20
Washington what he knows? And if so, why did Powell absolve the ISI?

The Pearl tragedy has shed some light on the darker recesses of the=20
intelligence networks. Pearl was a gifted, independent-minded=20
investigative journalist. On previous assignments he had established=20
that the Sudanese pharmaceutical factory - bombed on Clinton's orders=20
- was exactly that and not a shady installation producing biological=20
and chemical weapons, as alleged by the White House. Subsequently, he=20
wrote extensively on Kosovo, questioning some of the atrocity stories=20
dished out by Nato spin-doctors to justify the war on Yugoslavia.

Pearl was never satisfied with official briefings or chats with=20
approved local journalists. Those he was in touch with in Pakistan=20
say he was working to uncover links between the intelligence services=20
and terrorism. His newspaper has been remarkably coy, refusing to=20
disclose the leads Pearl was pursuing.

Any western journalist visiting Pakistan is routinely watched and=20
followed. The notion that Daniel Pearl, setting up contacts with=20
extremist groups, was not being carefully monitored by the secret=20
services is unbelievable - and nobody in Pakistan believes it.

The group which claimed to have kidnapped and killed Pearl - "The=20
National Youth Movement for the Sovereignty of Pakistan" - is a=20
confection. One of its demands was unique: the resumption of F-16=20
sales to Pakistan. A terrorist, jihadi group which supposedly regards=20
the current regime as treacherous is putting forward a 20-year-old=20
demand of the military and state bureaucracy.

The principal kidnapper, the former LSE student Omar Saeed Sheikh -=20
whose trial begins in Karachi today - has added to the mystery. He=20
carelessly condemned himself by surrendering to the provincial home=20
secretary (a former ISI operative) on February 5. Sheikh is widely=20
believed in Pakistan to be an experienced ISI "asset" with a history=20
of operations in Kashmir. If he was extradited to Washington and=20
decided to talk, the entire story would unravel. His family are=20
fearful. They think he might be tried by a summary court and executed=20
to prevent the identity of his confederates being revealed.

So mysterious has this affair become that one might wonder who is=20
really running Pakistan. Official power is exercised by General=20
Musharraf. But it is clear that his writ does not extend to the whole=20
state apparatus, let alone the country. If a military regime cannot=20
guarantee law and order, what can it hope to deliver? Meanwhile,=20
Daniel Pearl's widow is owed an explanation by her own state=20
department and the general in Islamabad.

Tariq Ali is a frequent contributor to CounterPunch. His latest book,=20
The Clash of Fundamentalisms, is published by Verso.

____

#2.

Reporters Sans Fronti=CBres
5 rue Geoffroy Marie
75009 Paris
33 1 44 83 84 70
33 1 45 23 11 51 (fax)
asia@r...
www.rsf.org

Press Freedom
9 April 2002

INDIA
A group of journalists attacked by police in the state of Gujarat

In a letter sent to the interior minister of the state of Gujarat,
Gordhan Zadaphia, Reporters sans fronti=CBres (Reporters Without
Borders - RSF) denounced the attack on some twenty journalists by
police in the state of Gujarat (west of the country). "After accusing
the media of exaggerating the extent of the recent wave of
inter-community violence in the state of Gujarat, the authorities of
this state chose the most reprehensible way to act by preventing the
press from doing its job," said Robert M=C8nard, RSF general secretary.
RSF called on the minister to provide the resources needed to the
commission of enquiry so it could carry out its investigation
completely and ensure that the appropriate sanctions be applied.

According to information obtained by RSF, some twenty journalists and
media professionals were attacked on 7 April 2002 by police officers
at Gandhi Ashram, a quarter of Ahmedabad (state of Gujarat, west of
the country). The journalists were covering two peace demonstrations
that were disrupted by members of Gujarat Yuva Morcha, the youth
section of the BJP (party in power). As the incidents began, Deputy
Commisioner of Police V. M. Parghi told Pranav Joshi, a cameraman
with the private television station NDTV, to stop filming. After
Joshi asked why he was to stop, he was hit in the head and fell to
the ground. Witnesses said that the police charged the journalists,
threatening them with their guns. The incident ended about ten
minutes later, after Shivanand Jha, head superintendent, who had done
nothing until then, ordered his men to withdraw. Harsh Shah and
Harshyal Pandya, respectively photographer with the daily Indian
Express and journalist with the private television station ETV, were,
like Pranav Joshi, seriously wounded during this attack. Pranav Joshi
was hospitalized and placed in intensive care. A photographer with
the Times of India was also hit in the ribs and kicked. Dhimant
Purohit, correspondant for the Aaj Tak TV channel, Sanjeev Singh,
NDTV reporter, Amit Dave, photographer with the Jansatta newspaper,
Ashish Amin, reporter, Ketan Trivedi and Gautam Mehta, respectively
journalist and photographer with the Gujarat Samachar newspaper, have
also been beaten.
Journalists filed a complaint against the deputy superintendent
shortly after this incident. The minister of the interior for the
state of Gujarat issued a communiqu=C8 during the night of 7 April,
denying that the police officers attacked the press. But another
official communiqu=C8, issued several hours after that of the ministry,
stated that a commission of enquiry was being set up and would be
chaired by a retired judge of the High Court. The commission is to
issue its report in three weeks.
On 8 April, the Gujarat government announced that superintendents
Shivanand Zha and V. M. Pargi were being reassigned, and that a
criminal investigation was being launched.

In the beginning of April 2002, Sonal Kellog, journalist with the
Asian Age newspaper, was beaten up by Gujarat police while she was
interviewing Muslim women who had complained of police atrocities.

____

#3.

http://www.indian-express.com/full_story.php?content_id=3D525
The Indian Express, April 9, 2002

Beyond ideology : In Gujarat hatred is now the only passion
by Rajdeep Sardesai

On the staff office door of Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi
in Gandhinagar, there are two posters: of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad
and Swadeshi Jagran Manch.

The staff says the posters have been there for over a year now,
well before Modi took over as chief minister. "What is wrong
with it?" asks a staffer "We are free to be members of any organisation
we want." Therein lies a story.

In 1998, the Gujarat government issued a circular that allowed
government employees the freedom to participate in RSS and Sangh-related
activities. After protests in Parliament, the circular was withdrawn,
but the signal had been sent: this was not just a BJP government
in Gujarat, but a Sangh one as well.

This is one reason why promotions in Gujarat are often decided
on the basis of loyalty to extra-constitutional authorities,
and why a minister of state for home can wear his dual identity
as BJP MLA and VHP leader with confidence.

The smugness stems from the Sangh Parivar=92s conviction that Gujarat
today is sui generis. It=92s the first successful experiment in
the laboratory of Hindu Rashtra. To them, Gujarat is Hindutva=92s
pride, their single hard-earned trophy. No wonder the prime minister
calls the violence a national shame, but refuses to entirely
distance himself from the Modi government.

No wonder Gujarati saffron forces are so convinced that their
actions are popularly sanctioned that they airily dismiss the
National Human Rights Commission as "pseudo-secular", and even
contemplate holding state elections to take advantage of what
is seen as a consolidation of the Hindu vote.

The change hasn=92t taken place overnight. Violence in Gujarat
was waiting to happen because communalisation didn=92t begin with
the Godhra massacre. For example, even before the VHP was catapulted
onto the national stage with the Ayodhya movement, in Gujarat
it had already begun to acquire financial and ideological muscle.

And while the BJP was struggling to emerge as the single-largest
party at the Centre, it had already won a two-thirds majority
in Gujarat in the 1995 elections.

Again, even before the Staines incident, Bajrang Dal activists
had been burning Bibles and attacking churches in rural Gujarat.
While the ideological indoctrination through NCERT textbooks
sparked off a controversy in New Delhi only recently, in Gujarat
rewritten textbooks have already become compulsory syllabi and
with much less fuss.

And while the national media has only now slowly become a handmaiden
of the ruling elite, in Gujarat the saffron influence over the
regional press has been in evidence for years.

For decades the Parivar has built up a propaganda campaign centering
around "Mianbhai" as the Enemy. For years, Muslims have been
denied jobs, they have gradually moved out of mixed neighbourhoods,
and been labelled anti-nationals, often as a direct response
to the fact that Gujarat is a border state and in certain pockets
the ISI has been very active.

Gujarat=92s politicians have failed to build a secular challenge
to Hindutva because they have, for the most part, been not only
highly opportunistic and duplicitous but also seemingly unconvinced
about the need to be secular. At the Centre the BJP=92s "untouchability"
disappeared only with the 1998 polls.

But in Gujarat it disappeared as far back as the early 1970s
when, during the Nav Nirman movement and later during the Janata
party experiment, RSS cadres easily joined hands with their so-called
secular co-activists. "Secular" and "Hindu" in Gujarati politics
are irrelevant labels. There is hardly any such ideological divide.

Secular alliances with the BJP (and earlier the Jan Sangh) have
been a routine feature of Gujarati politics. During the 1990
polls, for example, when the BJP first made a major dent in Gujarati
politics, L.K. Advani, V.P. Singh and Chimanbhai Patel campaigned
together as part of an anti-Congress front.

A year later, Chimanbhai rejoined the Congress, a move that emasculated
the party further. He was, in a sense, the architect of votebank
politics. He used people like Abdul Latif, a Dawood Ibrahim associate,
to heighten the communal divide. Today, Latif is used by the
Parivar as a hate object to tar an entire community with the
brush of criminality.

It=92s not only the Gujarati political order that has become one-dimensiona=
l
and therefore weak, even social relations have broken down. According
to the state government, more than 400 riots have taken place
since 1972.

"Gujarat is a state where even a kite-flying incident can lead
to a flare-up," the state government told the NHRC in an attempt
to almost rationalise the violence.

But this time, the sheer social and geographical spread of the
conflagration, cutting across traditional caste and class barriers,
is astounding and points to a shocking collapse of social structures.

How else does one explain the large presence of Dalits in the
rioting? Or the manner in which migrant labour =97 a large number
of them OBCs =97 ruthlessly attacked their co-workers in the Naroda-Patia
area of Ahmedabad? Or why the violence has spread to Sabarkantha
and Panchmahals, areas in which the local Adivasi community has
been at the heart of the rioting? Or the grotesque manner in
which affluent people walked into shops in Ahmedabad=92s main business
district and loaded their Marutis with loot?

In all instances, there has been one common factor: for the most
part, the Muslim has been the victim, his life, family and livelihood
systematically targeted. That even the Dalits, who in the 1980s
were victims of a similar hate campaign, have now joined hands
with their one-time oppressors only shows how successful the
Parivar has been in creating the imagined "enemy".

The question is, why should the people of a state which gave
us Mahatma Gandhi, which has a flourishing entrepreneurial spirit
and which even today has a strong NGO movement succumb so easily
to communal polarisation?

The answer, at one level, lies in the very community linkages
that were once seen as Gujarat=92s strength. Today, in a globalising
environment, when community bonds have come under strain, the
Gujarati has sought to forge a new identity by reinforcing the
religiosity that has always been an important feature of his
way of life.

Gandhi used this creatively as a mobilising tool while nurturing
the notion of sarva dharma samabhava. The Parivar has used this
destructively to create notions of "Hindu brotherhood" by positing
the Muslim as the common enemy. It=92s a brotherhood whose sense
of "we-ness" now extends from the NRI in New Jersey to the Dalit
in Mehsana.

At the same time moderate voices have become weak. Industralists
who wield considerable authority have chosen not to speak out
despite the knowledge that the violence has destroyed Gujarat=92s
reputation as an investment destination.

Social activists have remained silent for fear of antagonising
the mob, while many Gandhians are simply too fatigued for another
battle. Unless these voices acquire new power, Gujarat will burn
again.

The writer is political editor, New Delhi Television. The views
expressed here are his own.

____

#4.

HEY RAM !!!
Genocide in the Land of Gandhi
A film by Gopal Menon
Produced by Other Media Communications
Hindi with English subtitles
25 minutes
In Gujarat, over a thousand people have been killed.
100,000 are living in relief camps.
Women and children were made the targets of especially brutal attacks
Property and sources of income were systematically destroyed.
Place of worship were either desecrated or destroyed.
If this isn=92t genocide, what is?
Individuals and mass organisations: Rs.250 Institutions=20
: Rs.500
[Courier/postal charges extra]
Other Media Communications Pvt. Ltd
25, FF Navjeevan Vihar New Delhi 110 017
India
Ph: +91-11-669 2871, 669 3337 Email: omc@v...

_____

#5.

NARMADA BACHAO ANDOLAN
62, Gandhi Marg, Badwani, Madhya Pradesh

April 9, 2002

Attack at Sabarmati Ashram: Result of a Nexus of Communal-Capitalist
forces

VAJPAYEE AND BJP MUST INSTANTLY REMOVE NARENDRA MODI

The violent incident at the Sabarmati Ashram, Ahmedabad on April 7, was an
outcome of and continuation of the prevailing intolerance and communalism i=
n
Gujarat. It again revealed the nexus of the capitalist, communal and
unethical political elements flouting all
democratic and processes of discussion and understanding. Be it the peoples
struggle like Narmada or the issue of the religious fundamentalism, these
forces have always shown the propensity to resort to violence and to
physically eliminate the dissenting voices. The attack on me and the bloody
assault on the journalists have to be countered by secular, non-violent
forces through a
concerted action and strategy.

The Sabarmati Ashram meeting was organized by number of organizations who
were concerned about the growing communal violence and divide and who were
anxious to restore peace and harmony in Gujarat. I was invited twice for
that and as a concerned and committed person and activist for secularism an=
d
peace I have a right and responsibility to be present there. The
organizations welcomed me and I participated in the deliberations, before w=
e
broke for lunch.

Some people there tried to confront me about Narmada issue with little
information. I made it clear that we better discuss these issues in detail
in a separate meeting and I had come there on a different mission- of peace
and communal harmony. However, they were threatening me not to participate
in that meeting, which I could not agree with.

For last many years I have been involved in the various activities and
organizations in Gujarat, including the tribal areas in Sabarkantha, Dangs,
Panchmahal, Banaskantha and of course, the Narmada valley. I had been a par=
t
of the relief teams in Morbi disaster, previous riots or last years
earthquake. During the recent violence, the villages in the Narmada valley
have sent the
relief assistance for the riot affected victims. And, as a concerned and
committed person and activist for secularism and peace I have a right and
responsibility to be present there in any such meeting.

It was obvious that, I was attacked by the same vested interests, who have
been responsible for the exploitation and injustice on our poor and
depressed sections, and who have been fanning the communal orgy in the
state. The capitalism and communalism in Gujarat are interchangeable. They
have been suppressing the voices of dissent and rights, by their muscle
power and lawlessness.

It was often mentioned that the tribals in Gujarat have participated in the
carnage and loot of the Muslims in large scale. We work in the tribal areas
and know the reality. The tribals shopkeepers-moneylenders among the Muslim=
s
was used by the fundamentalists for the communal frenzy. In many instances,
we found that the tribals were threatened with the dire consequences if the=
y
did not participate in the anti-Muslim programme. They were made to act as
the lumpen elements in the mob, led by the communal elements. However, ther=
e
are many instances, when the tribals have protected the Muslims and have
given them shelter.

The Sabarmati episode should not be looked in isolation. It is the
continuation of what the communalists under various denominations of Sangha
Parivar have started as a part of Gujarat Progrom. All this could not happe=
n
without the overt or tacit connivance of the state government (?) led by th=
e
Narendra Modi. It is imperative that Modi must be removed, in order to star=
t
the process of restoring sanity in Gujarat. The Prime Minister Vajpayee and
the Bharatiya
Janata Party must act. They should remove Modi as an initial mark of their
respect for democracy and rule of law.

We express our determination to confront the fascist forces of communalism
and capitalism, despite their attempts to threaten and terrorise the people
and organzations. We are confident that a strong and long-term peoples
solidarity will emerge in Gujarat and all over the nation to safeguard the
democracy, secularism and harmony in this nation.

Medha Patkar

_____

#6.

The Hindu, Wednesday, Apr 10, 2002
Opinion - Leader Page Articles

Needed, a law on genocide
By V. S. Mani.
The legislation should be such that all perpetrators of genocide, be=20
they individuals, groups or the constitutional rulers, can without=20
exception be readily punished.
http://www.hinduonnet.com/stories/2002041000251000.htm

_____

#7.

Indian express
Tuesday, April 09, 2002

Tale of a city
The price journalists have to pay for telling the truth
Janyala Srinivas
http://www.indian-express.com/full_story.php?content_id=3D524

_____

#8.

Indian Express, April 5, 2002
Caught in a pitying gaze
An endless wait for Kaifi's New India
Saeed Naqvi
On his return from Pakistan some years ago, my brother Shanney made=20
an observation which his JNU friends preserve as something of a gem.=20
"Nice country," Shanney said thoughtfully. "But too full of Muslims."=20
It pains me to reflect whether it would be possible to extract from=20
Shanney a statement of such exquisite simplicity in the post-Gujarat=20
context.
http://www.indian-express.com/columnists/saee/20020405.html

____

#9.

Indian Express, April 7, 2002
The longest 72 hours in history
Pamela Philipose
http://www.indian-express.com/columnists/pame/20020407.html

____

#10.
The Telegraph
10 April 2002

TO MAKE NEIGHBOURS ENVIOUS

BY PARIMAL BHATTACHARYA

More than a month has elapsed since the massacre at Godhra sparked=20
off one of the worst riots in Gujarat, and yet every day we hear news=20
of fresh violence occurring in different parts of the state. About=20
600 have died so far and nearly 60,000 are staying in rehabilitation=20
camps. The reports coming through a restrained national media are=20
grisly enough to convulse a whole nation. They will remain etched in=20
public memory long after the political bickerings and social=20
theorizings have ceased. For the victims and even witnesses of the=20
riot, though, it is another matter. Their world will no longer be the=20
same.

In the familiar tale of barbarity and betrayal, the incident that=20
stands out is the looting in parts of Ahmedabad on the day the=20
rioting began. While much of the plundering in the old city was=20
plainly communal, the lootings in the posh western part of Ahmedabad=20
was different in the sense that people who took part in it were from=20
the educated upper middle classes. There were middle level=20
executives, housewives and even children. For them, it was plain and=20
simple looting for looting's sake.

Eyewitness accounts of February 28 speak of well-dressed people using=20
pager and SMS messages to invite friends and family to join them in=20
pillaging upmarket shops and market complexes. A resident of the posh=20
Navranpura area saw cars lined up outside a garments showroom and=20
families, including women and children, looting whatever they could=20
lay their hands on. They left when they could take no more. Some even=20
came back for a second round. At another departmental store, women=20
were seen coming out carrying microwave ovens, imported LPG stoves=20
and crockery items and stacking them in their cars. The scene was=20
repeated in other shops and business establishments. First a mob=20
broke into them, then the looters arrived in cars along with their=20
families. At a footwear store on C.G. Road, the crowd became so thick=20
that some enterprising men began selling shoes outside the premises,=20
at Rs 50 a pair.

Such incidents, reported perfunctorily in the national media, read=20
like a bizarre sideshow to a theatre of murder and mayhem. But they=20
are no less diabolic. They are signs of a mutation taking place in=20
our civil society that is at once distressing and disorienting.

Before trying to find out what went wrong, let us take a quick stock=20
of where Gujarat stands vis a vis other Indian states. Along with=20
Maharashtra, Gujarat, one of the richest and most industrialized=20
states, has taken full advantage of the liberalization started in the=20
Nineties. Its economic growth rate is the fastest, about eight per=20
cent per year, and the state attracts labour and capital from all=20
over the country.

But there is a flip side to this success story. Gujarat shares with=20
Maharastra the dubious distinction of being one of the two most=20
communally sensitive states in our country, states that have recently=20
become laboratories of militant Hindutva. Gujarat has also gained=20
notoriety for its increasing gender bias and cases of female=20
foeticide. The early 2001 census results indicate that the=20
female-male ratio has had a sharp decline in the state during the=20
last ten years.

It would be too simplistic to deduce from the above facts that in=20
India fast economic growth is inversely related to human and social=20
indices. Such an argument often fails to figure out the psyche of the=20
people who burn their neighbours alive, who kill unborn foetuses=20
inside wombs, or who take their families out on a looting spree as=20
the city burns.

What then makes employed, well-off residents of a city loot shops and=20
then take the spoil away to their homes? Surely, the economic factor=20
is an important component of such social behavior. Very recently,=20
market reforms, lifting of import restrictions and fierce competition=20
in the consumer durables sector have given the culture of consumerism=20
a whole new twist. Everywhere, sleek advertisements sing the song of=20
a buyer's paradise where things are getting cheaper and smarter,=20
where every other product is launched in the market with a free gift=20
or an exchange offer, where one can shop and win fabulous prizes.=20
Products and appliances have long ceased to play a functional role=20
and have become lifestyle statements instead. There is also a new=20
ethos whereby one is not required to work or pay to get something,=20
where the borderline between the real and the magical is blurred. It=20
is a fairytale world of freebies and lucky draw coupons, where a=20
cigarette pack or a biscuit wrapper can give the buyer a=20
scratch-and-win luxury car or a holiday trip to Europe. The huge=20
popularity of lotteries, television game shows with prizes to be won,=20
and the vagaries of the share market are but symptoms of this=20
cultural transformation.

Last year, about the time the commerce minister announced the lifting=20
of import restrictions on a range of items, a mysterious handbill=20
circulated in and around Calcutta and gripped popular fancy: it=20
announced the exhibition-cum-sale of various Chinese goods at=20
incredibly low prices at a city stadium. Such was the power of the=20
rumour that a huge crowd gathered there on the appointed day. A large=20
police contingent and a senior minister had to be deployed to prevent=20
a stampede or violence. The incident uncovered interesting aspects of=20
mob delusion. A man had come all the way from Kakdwip to buy a=20
ceiling fan for a couple of hundred rupees. When it was pointed out=20
to him that he could buy a non-branded fan at about the same price=20
from nearby Chandni Chowk, his reaction was: "But that's local-made!"

What is the difference between the men who threatened to pull down=20
the gates of a stadium in Calcutta and the looters in Ahmedabad's=20
Navrangpura who broke into showrooms of international brands of=20
footwear and home appliances? They both manifest the alarming mirage=20
of a consumer utopia where neighbour's envy ensures the owner's sense=20
of wellbeing and pride. In a country where the gross national product=20
growth or per capita income does not guarantee a consequent rise in=20
human and social indices, such market mantras are bound to have=20
dangerous consequences.

Even if one tries to focus on the broad cultural forces shaping the=20
mind, one still cannot get far from the market. In a multi-ethnic=20
country like India, culture is a hot commodity. It is no coincidence=20
that while rapid urbanization has forced a breakdown of old mores and=20
ways of life, brand leaders harp on patriarchal joint family values=20
to sell their products. Be it the advertisement of a new icecream or=20
a large car, we always get to see large smiling families, including=20
grandparents and pets. Such images are far removed from the emerging=20
social reality of urban India, one characterized by fragmentation and=20
psychic disorders.

One such leading brand in the garments sector was paid in its own=20
coin during the Gujarat riot. In a sleek television advertisement of=20
the brand, we see three generations of an upper middle class family=20
sitting together for a group photograph. It is a clever attempt by=20
the multinational to Indianize its brand. No one ever thought that=20
the dream families would have their real-life counterparts. On=20
February 28, whole families of upper-middle-class looters broke into=20
one of the showrooms of the company in Ahmedabad, taking away goods=20
worth one crore rupees.

How far is a nightmare from a dream? Not much if the dream is not=20
based on certain basic human values. The dream that is based on=20
neighbours' envy and hatred, that shows life as a game of fortune=20
where one can become a crorepati by choosing the right answer, has=20
lethal possibilities. Watching that dream night after night with the=20
family gives a vicarious pleasure. Taking the family out to get a=20
real taste of that pleasure, to snatch the dream from the=20
neighbourhood shop, takes only a small effort.

_____

#11.

The Times of India
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 10, 2002
Sainik Farms to Modi's Gujarat
JUG SURAIYA
http://203.199.93.7/articleshow.asp?art_id=3D6408387

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