[sacw] SACW #2 (3 Dec. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | Dispatch #2
3 December 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

------------------------------------------

#1. Sri Lanka hunts army deserters amid poll violence
#2. Pashtuns May Demand Own State (Shiraz Paracha)
#3. India: Delete and control - the Hindu Right's mantra (Anjali Mody)
#4. India: The demolition of the Babri Masjid on December 6, 1992,=20
and the communal riots in Mumbai that followed - the worst in its=20
history - shook the faith of Muslims in the secular fabric of the=20
country. In the light of the ninth anniversary of the events in=20
Ayodhya. (Dom Moraes)
#5. India: Desperate times, desperate measures (Badri Raina)
#6. India: Wake up and smell the horror : So much for yearning for a=20
[ theocratic state] Ram Rajya to be installed in the here and now.
#7. India: Street Dwellers Demand Right to Stay on (Bharat Dogra)
________________________

#1.

Sri Lanka hunts army deserters amid poll violence

COLOMBO, Dec. 2 - Sri Lanka has launched a crackdown on army=20
deserters who were blamed for much of the violence that has plagued=20
the campaign before Wednesday's parliamentary elections.
The defence ministry said it had arrested 168 deserters in the last=20
two days and would tighten an islandwide dragnet around an estimated=20
10,000 others who have fled fighting with Tamil separatists in the=20
country's north.
''The search operation was launched after taking into=20
consideration reports that the deserters were involved in various=20
crimes and abuses,'' the ministry said in statement.
Deserters from the 100,000 strong army, many armed with=20
automatic weapons, have been blamed from a rising tide of crime and=20
are alleged to be used by both the government and the opposition=20
parties to intimidate opponents.
Clashes during the election campaign, which ends at midnight=20
on Sunday, has left about 25 dead and over 200 injured, according to=20
election observers.
The army has previously announced amnesties for deserters in=20
bid to woo them back to ranks depleted by heavy casualties from 18=20
years of fighting Tamil Tiger guerrillas demanding a separate=20
minority Tamil state in the island's north and east.

Copyright 2001 Reuters Limited. All rights reserved.

______

#2.

Reporting Central Asia
No. 87, 23-Nov-01

Pashtuns May Demand Own State
Officials in Islamabad are concerned that the defeat of the Taleban=20
may prompt Pashtuns in Pakistan and Afghanistan to demand their own=20
state.

By Shiraz Paracha in London

Islamabad fears that unless America helps to secure a broad-based=20
government in Afghanistan, Pashtuns will side with their ethnic kin=20
in northern Pakistan and revive calls for their own state.
The Northern Alliance, although supported by a small Pashtun faction,=20
is wary of a government comprising representatives of the majority=20
Pashtuns whom they regard as supporters of the Taleban.

The Afghan Pashtuns, in turn, will not accept being ruled by a=20
coalition of minority ethnic groups.

This problem is set to be talked through in Bonn on November 26 when=20
the UN and the Northern Alliance are scheduled to meet. The=20
arrangement suggests that the latter are keen to make progress in the=20
establishment of a broad-based government. But many Afghans expect=20
the talks to break down.
The Northern Alliance argues that as they already represent a Pashtun=20
faction, they can provide representative Afghan government. The=20
majority of Afghan Pashtuns, meanwhile, suspect those members of=20
their community who've sided with the Northern Alliance will not=20
accept them as "true" Pashtuns.
Without representation in government for the majority of Pashtuns,=20
the idea of an independent state of Pashtunistan, uniting members of=20
the ethnic group in Pakistan and Afghanisatan, could be resurrected.=20
Islamabad is already concerned that a united cross-border Pashtun=20
group could ignite ethnic conflict in the country, particularly with=20
the Punjabi majority.

Pakistan is a federation of four provinces, the largest of which is=20
Punjab - home to 63 per cent of the country's population - with=20
Pashtuns mainly inhabiting North West Frontier Province, NWFP.=20
Relations between these regions have never been smooth.
Habib Ullaha Khan Kundi, a former senior provincial minister in=20
Pakistan, believes the division of Afghanistan between Pashtuns and=20
non-Pashtuns would have serious consequences for his country. "The=20
Pashtuns in Afghanistan may wish to join Pakistan. It would not be=20
acceptable to Punjab," said Kundi.

To prevent Pakistan from being drawn into ethnic conflict, the=20
Islamabad government is urging America to establish a broad-based=20
administration in Afghanistan. If Washington can secure a system of=20
rule whereby the Afghan Pashtuns are represented alongside the=20
Northern Alliance, Islamabad believes the Pashtunistan issue will be=20
put to bed.

"The US can influence the Northern Alliance to accept Pashtuns, the=20
main ethnic group in Afghanistan," former Pakistani foreign minister=20
Agha Shahi told IWPR.

"We don't have any vested interest in Afghanistan but we also don't=20
want problems in our society. A large number of our people are=20
Pashtuns, who have cultural and historic links with the Pashtuns of=20
Afghanistan."

The idea of Pashtunistan has played an important role in Pakistani=20
politics since the formation of the country in 1947. Kabul had long=20
sought to annex NWFP, claiming it was part of Afghanistan.
The influential Pakistani military - fearing this would lead to the=20
disintegration of the country - countered by attempting to promote=20
divisions between the Afghan Pashtuns.
During the war against the Soviets in the Eighties, Islamabad=20
encouraged the emergence of rival political parties. It then=20
distributed funds to them unevenly to exacerbate their mutual=20
suspicion.

Subsequently, the Pakistani authorities supported the Taleban who=20
were mostly Pashtuns opposed to a Pastun state - the student militia=20
had more of a religious than a national identity which suited=20
Islamabad's aims perfectly. But Paskistan's ability to dictate events=20
north of the border have diminished with the military collapse of the=20
Taleban, as many Pashtuns, in Afghanistan and Pakistan, are now=20
turning against the student militia.
"They gave important positions to foreigners such as Bin Laden, how=20
can they be Pashtuns when they imposed Arabs and Africans upon=20
Afghans. These foreigners brought destruction to the land of=20
Pashtuns," said Haji Muhammad Adeel, one of the leaders of Pakistan's=20
Pashtun Nationalist Party, ANP, and a former speaker of the NWFP=20
assembly in Peshawar.

Some of the community's leaders now believe the time has come agitate=20
once again for a Pashtun state.
If talks with the Northern Alliance next week prove to be successful,=20
Pakistan government fears may be eased. But if the Northern Alliance=20
continues to seek control over Afghanistan, Afghan Pashtuns may feel=20
that their future lies with their brothers in northern Pakistan.

Shiraz Paracha is South and Central Asia editor for a London-based=20
news service. Between 1987-1998 he reported from Peshawar on=20
Afghanistan, North West Frontier Province and the Tribal Areas of=20
Pakistan.

=A9 Institute for War & Peace Reporting
_____

#3.

The Hindu
December 2, 2001

DELETE AND CONTROL - THE PARIVAR'S MANTRA
Freedom of thought is not something the BJP/Sangh Parivar is big=20
on... It wants believers not thinkers. Anjali Mody on the changes in=20
the school history syllabus.

THERE IS a terrible irony in the fact that the BJP while using every=20
possible form of caste and religious division to stoke election fires=20
in Uttar Pradesh and Punjab has decided that school children must not=20
learn about the ancient roots of the caste system.

The Varna system along with half-a-dozen other passages (see box) in=20
the existing NCERT-produced history textbooks are deemed unfit for=20
children - not to be taught, not even discussed in the classroom.=20
Freedom of thought is not something the BJP/Sangh Parivar is big on.=20
It holds out for unitary truths and faith. It wants believers not=20
thinkers.

It is, after all, fighting a battle for minds. And history,=20
especially as taught in school, is all important to this battle. For,=20
it engenders the collective memory of a nation. And, the BJP/Sangh=20
Parivar knows that to win its battle it must replace the shared=20
memory of the modern Indian nation-state - born out of a struggle=20
against colonialism - with its own construction of a Hindu nation=20
stretching into antiquity and still waiting to be saved by the bhagwa=20
army from the clutches of ``Macaulay, Marx and madrassa'', its=20
shorthand for ``Christians, communists and Muslims''.

It is, therefore, taking no chances. The direction to delete is only=20
an indication of the thoroughness with which it is pursuing its goal.=20
Its preferred weapon is a battering ram. The BJP favours diktat over=20
debate since its marriage of mythology, fiction and faith does not=20
stand up to intellectual scrutiny. It is in the process of producing=20
new social science and history textbooks, in secret. By ``experts''=20
whose names are officially secret, but are widely known to be Sangh=20
Parivar men. But, just in case these secret outpourings are delayed=20
or, heaven forbid, discarded through legal intervention, it wants to=20
ensure that historical issues which contest aspects of its version of=20
the past, and its agenda in the present, are erased from textbooks=20
and hopefully expunged from memory and obliterated from the=20
collective conscience.

There is a logic to the passages selected for deletion from the three=20
textbooks. They fit rather nicely into some of the Sangh Parivar's=20
major campaign planks - anti-cow slaughter, Ram Janmabhoomi,=20
religious conversion - while pursuing its policy of making nonsense=20
of history writing by getting rid of the critical methodology that=20
separates history from mythology. With this agenda to pursue the=20
Sangh's purpose would be badly served by Indian children - future=20
voters - thinking that Brahminism was extractive and oppressive or=20
wondering whether Rama and the Vanara Sena were aspects of faith or=20
characters of history.
By announcing this week that it is to use the controversy raised in=20
Parliament by its diktat to delete sections of the history textbooks=20
as an election plank in Uttar Pradesh (a State with abysmally low=20
literacy levels), the BJP has also fully abandoned the pretence that=20
its concern with re-writing the history of India serves any purpose=20
other than sectarian politics. The party hopes to cash in on the fact=20
that it favoured the deletion of passages it considered ``anti-Jain''=20
and ``anti-Jat'' and ``anti-Brahmin'' while its opponents did not.

The BJP, in so doing, has also officially declared an open season on=20
history in particular and social science education in general. These=20
disciplines have effectively been torn out of academe - universities,=20
schools, research institutions - and turned into electoral=20
concessions to be traded for votes. The BJP is gleefully aware that=20
in this final assault on the world of ideas it has an unlikely ally=20
in the Congress which has its own short-term electoral accommodations=20
to make.

But, unlike the Congress, the BJP's obsessive concern with imposing=20
its version of history on schools is not simply a function of its=20
desperate search for an election plank - it is handy, of course, to=20
be able to play defender of caste and religion when you have nothing=20
else to offer. The BJP is preparing for a long battle which goes=20
beyond Assembly elections. It is a battle to replace the tri-colour=20
with the bhagwa dhwaj, to re-invent a nation, to alter the idea of=20
India.

Where the Congress and the rest of the self-aggrandising bunch, in=20
the Opposition and in bed with the BJP, have lost sight of the idea=20
that drove them, the Sangh has always understood the power of shared=20
ideas. It understands well that the Independence movement, in which=20
it played no part at all, produced the collective consciousness of a=20
new nation defined by plurality, democracy and a desire for economic=20
development; that the goals of this new nation and its history of a=20
unifying struggle against colonialism have been the cement that holds=20
the Indian nation together.

The fact is the Sangh Parivar, and its political arm the BJP, are=20
driven by an idea that can only succeed by destroying the modern=20
Indian nation and the principle of plurality which underlines it.=20
They believe in the superiority of Hindus and their superior claim,=20
over people of other faiths, to being Indians. Re-writing school=20
history textbooks to fit this idea of the Hindu Rashtra has always=20
been top priority.

In the States where it held power in the early 1990s - Uttar Pradesh,=20
Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat - the BJP took over the State education=20
boards and very quickly changed the history textbooks, producing=20
material that replaced history with mythology, justified caste, the=20
low status of women, and denigrated Muslims and Islam. The remarkable=20
thing is that despite being part of an eclectic coalition the BJP=20
has, since it came to power at the Centre, utilised institutions such=20
as the NCERT to do much the same.

So while the Opposition and the BJP's coalition partners weigh out=20
which bits of which history textbooks can be auctioned off for votes,=20
and teachers and parents stay on the sidelines wondering how this=20
will all affect ``the load'' and ``exam results'', a few generations=20
of young Indians will be primed to serve a Hindu Rashtra.

____

#4.

The Hindu
Sunday, Dec 02, 2001
Magazine
http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/mag/stories/2001120200390200.htm
A people still hurt

The demolition of the Babri Masjid on December 6, 1992, and the=20
communal riots in Mumbai that followed - the worst in its history -=20
shook the faith of Muslims in the secular fabric of the country. In=20
the light of the ninth anniversary of the events in Ayodhya, poet and=20
columnist DOM MORAES spoke to eminent Islamic scholar Rafiq Zakaria=20
and a cross-section of the community.

MAHARASHTRA College is in the heart of Nagpada, a Muslim part of=20
Mumbai. Most men here wear loose white clothes, skullcaps and beards;=20
the women are usually in burqas without veils, or attired in the=20
salwar-kameez. One hardly sees any sarees. The area is miserably=20
poor. The college was founded in 1968 and has 3,500 students. Eighty=20
per cent are Muslims from the neighbourhood, and 50 per cent of these=20
are girls.

"Colleges like this are the only hope we Muslims have," said the man=20
who sat next to me. "Only if our young people are educated and work=20
hard can they survive. They have to make opportunities for=20
themselves. They won't get any here." He was a maulana, one of=20
several around me. It is the month of Ramadan, and several leaders of=20
the Mumbai Muslims had collected at the college to pray and break=20
their fast. Dr. Rafiq Zakaria, who helped found the institution, had=20
invited me to meet them. I had questions to ask.

Exactly nine years ago, on December 6, 1992, after the destruction at=20
Ayodhya, the worst communal riots in the history of Mumbai erupted.=20
The Shiv Sena and the police, according to reports later made by=20
non-government organisations and the Srikrishna Commission, played a=20
prominent part in the killing of Muslims all over the city,=20
particularly in this area. While the Shiv Sena and the Bharatiya=20
Janata Party (BJP) shared power here - that is until recently - these=20
reports were for the most part ignored or suppressed.

The anniversary of the riots was now near. I wanted to know how the=20
Muslim leaders felt now. They were anxious to speak, and clamorous;=20
Maulana Kashmiri, the Ulema Council secretary, was perhaps most to=20
the point. "When the Constitution was made," he said, "it guaranteed=20
us equality, but we have never seen this equality. And in 1992 when=20
the Babri Masjid was destroyed it seemed to us the end of democracy,=20
certainly of the secular state mentioned in the Constitution. The=20
whole world watched and knew what was done."

They complained that a kind of discrimination existed. Their children=20
were not offered opportunities. Mostly they agreed that they had to=20
keep a low profile, and to be patient; things might improve with=20
time. When I asked if they ever wanted to emigrate, several of the=20
elders said emphatically that they were sons of the soil; they loved=20
this land. "Even if they wanted to leave," Dr. Zakaria asked=20
practically, "where would they go? Pakistan has closed its doors to=20
them, so have other Muslim countries. And still some people talk of a=20
pan-Islamic movement."

"The Government has not protected Muslims," said a younger man. "The=20
whole community was deeply hurt by what happened at Ayodhya. Then=20
came the riots. It is as though certain Hindus deny that we are=20
Indians. It's true that we're treated like second-class citizens, but=20
we try not to behave as though we are."

The destruction of the Babri Masjid seemed to signal the end of democracy.

"Now it is not a secular state," Kashmiri said. "It is a Hindu=20
country." His hawk-like face hardened. Everyone present was a little=20
sad, a little angry. The Kashmir issue wasn't mentioned, but I didn't=20
think it was foremost in their minds. Their pride and their identity=20
have been shredded away from them by the fierce Hindu fundamentalism=20
of recent years. They have to worry about their children's future,=20
and watch how they behave.

I was reminded of Jewish friends who existed precariously in Nazi=20
Germany under Hitler. What they said of their lives then was not very=20
unlike what these Muslims in Mumbai said of their lives now.=20
Generations of them had lived in this city and leavened its earth=20
with their dead. Now they were like uninvited guests in a house where=20
they had once lived happily.

* * *

After this meeting, I remembered a trip I made to Bihar, a couple of=20
years ago. Most of what I saw there horrified me: nothing did so more=20
than the situation of the Muslims in Chandeli, a village in the=20
north. Here a population of Bhumiya Hindus and Muslims had coexisted=20
for centuries: not as intimate friends, but tolerant of each other.=20
In 1990 L.K. Advani's rathyatra, bound for Ayodhya, passed. Next day=20
the Bhumiyas of Chandeli slaughtered most of their Muslim neighbours=20
and threw their bodies in the village pond. The few survivors were=20
saved by the arrival of the army.

They remained in Chandeli for the next decade, in terror always.=20
Recently the Bhumiyas had told them that the Bharatiya Janata Party=20
(BJP) had come to power. Now, the Bhumiyas gloated, they could kill=20
Muslims freely. Even after this, the Muslims had not tried to flee.=20
The ragged and haggard men I met in the squalid acres of their home=20
had lost all pride. A shrivelled woman, Yasmin, spoke for them. She=20
told me that they had no money to flee, or they would have done so=20
after the massacre in 1990. Even then, they didn't know what was=20
happening in other parts of India. They could not read and had no=20
radio. For all they knew, Muslims were being killed everywhere. They=20
had asked Government officers who visited the village for help. None=20
came. So they stayed where they were.

A Muslim social worker confirmed this. "It is hell for them here," he=20
said. I observed, "The old lady's like Mother Courage." He replied,=20
"I don't know this Mrs. Courage. But why do you call Yasmin an old=20
lady? She is only about 25."

* * *

Cuffe Parade is a civilised residential area, now a rarity in Mumbai.=20
Diffidently elegant old houses and occasional highrises face the=20
Arabian Sea. Dr. Rafiq Zakaria lives here. He also fulfils a function=20
as an outpost of civilisation.

He is one of the last true Islamic scholars left in India. He is also=20
a journalist, a lawyer, and an educationist who has put up several=20
colleges for Muslims in Mumbai, including Maharashtra College. For=20
most of his life he has been a politician, and a spokesman for his=20
leaderless people.

At 81, he now spends most of his time writing books. The most recent=20
of these, The Man Who Divided India, is a very fine biography of=20
Mohammed Ali Jinnah, on whose gaunt shoulders the responsibility for=20
Pakistan must rest. Dr. Zakaria, as a young man, met Jinnah a few=20
times.
"This morning I phoned up Mr. L.K. Advani," he said, "to wish him=20
happy Diwali." He has a more than passing resemblance to the aged=20
eagle in Eliot's poem, and his sharply defined features now wore a=20
sardonic smile. `The BJP nowadays finds it difficult to accept=20
Muslims as Indians, but I have been of some service to the country,=20
so they kindly accept me as one. I've been telling them for years=20
that Indian Muslims need their help.

"There are 140 million of them, so they have political value as a=20
vote bank. But they are wary of voting. They have been too often=20
betrayed. The first betrayal came from Jinnah himself. Mountbatten=20
and he forced Partition on India. A million people were killed on=20
both sides during Partition. Hundreds of thousands of women were=20
raped and kidnapped. Whatever communal hatred already existed was=20
intensified a hundred times over. Then, in 1948, came the Kashmir=20
issue."

The enmity between India and Pakistan started at the birth of the two=20
countries. Dr. Zakaria puts the entire blame on Jinnah. "Sardar Patel=20
was strongly opposed to Jinnah's two nations idea. Someone suggested=20
to him that the Muslims might cause trouble in the future, if they=20
stayed in India; it was better that they had their own state. That=20
was a stupid idea. Had the Muslims stayed within an undivided India,=20
their problems would have become a domestic issue that could have=20
been settled internally. As it is, by accepting Partition, Nehru and=20
Patel helped to create a new hostile nation perched on our doorstep.

"See what Jinnah did to the Muslims of the subcontinent," he said.=20
"In Pakistan they hardly enjoy any freedom; even the laws are not=20
properly enforced under successive military dictatorships. Many=20
emigrate. Bangladesh is in a miserable state. And as for the 140=20
million Indian Muslims, after September 11 another finger has been=20
pointed at them. They have enough trouble as it is. In urban areas=20
you may find a few young men who shout in the streets against=20
American interference with Afghanistan. Hindus perceive them as=20
typical Indian Muslims, but they are not typical at all. Most Muslims=20
don't want to complicate their lives any more. They don't want to=20
express opinions. They are afraid."
Zakaria meets a lot of young Muslims. "At Partition those who stayed=20
behind were mostly illiterate and poor. Their main needs now are=20
education and employment. This is where the Government could help,=20
where I am pleading with them to help. If they do not help, the=20
Muslims may replace the Dalits as the most depressed class in India."=20
He was completely serious. "If Pakistan should ever take Kashmir, the=20
lives of 140 million Indian Muslims will be in serious danger. Today=20
they are a bewildered and broken people, and nobody will help them."

His hooded eyes have seen much stupidity. "The Hindu middle class now=20
sees Muslims as a threat. What threat do they constitute? They have=20
no leader. They are ignorant, poor, and alone, scattered through=20
villages all over the country. They need help, yet they are seen as a=20
threat. They live with the knowledge that the Hindus do not want=20
them. They must be educated and work hard to become accepted as full=20
citizens. Young Muslims in the cities know this. I tell them they=20
must do it, and they are trying. But those in the villages?"

Eminent Muslim intellectuals like Zakaria once played key roles in=20
the life of Mumbai, and India. But he is, alas, one of the last of=20
his kind. I looked at his aristocratic, tired face and heard the=20
kitehawks, another endangered species, wheel and cry in the sky above=20
his flat. I imagined the raw sun of Bihar on my skin, and over miles=20
and years recalled a face that had shed all its tears, the ageless=20
and worn face of the peasant woman Yasmin.

Dom Moraes' first book of poems won the Hawthornden Prize in 1958. He=20
has since then published several collections of poems and books of=20
prose which include biographies, travelogues and collections of=20
reportage.

____

#5.
The Hindustan Times 3 December 2001
Desperate times, desperate measures
Badri Raina

Clearly, the BJP is in trouble in Uttar Pradesh. Equally clearly, it=20
is willing to go to any length to retain the state in the forthcoming=20
elections.

The party's desperation is made particularly acute -and potentially=20
dangerous - by the fact that neither a new chief minister nor the=20
many gimmicks he has sought to employ in pursuit of electoral gains=20
seem to have registered.

Indeed, the exposure that thousands of minority community voters on=20
the electoral lists were criminally ejected and substituted by=20
thousands of fake ones from the majority community - something about=20
which the Election Commission hauled up the state government - has=20
underscored the ugly fact that the BJP is not above 'reorganising'=20
electoral rolls. [...] .
Full text at: http://www.hindustantimes.com/nonfram/031201/detpla01.asp

_____

#6.

The Hindustan Times
Monday, December 3, 2001
Editorial
Wake up and smell the horror

So much for yearning for a Ram Rajya to be installed in the here and=20
now. Or for that matter, the pride of being a part of the glorious=20
'21st century India' adventure.

When a seven-year old boy is suspected to have been killed by a=20
tantrik as 'sacrifice' in Uttar Pradesh, all that gloss simply=20
withers away. We are left with a country that not only lives in the=20
dark ages but actually feeds on a medieval mindset for succour. It is=20
not good enough

to say that incidents like the one in Bulandshahr on Tuesday - or for=20
that matter, the one in which another two-year old child was rescued=20
on Saturday from being 'sacrificed' so that a couple 'could have a=20
child' - are horrific anomalies. The very fact that reports of such=20
barbaric acts do not shock the nation enough to stamp them out=20
altogether suggests something grave about how we see ourselves as a=20
society.

It's all very well to recoil in horror when reading about tales of=20
women being stoned to death in Taliban's Afghanistan or some such=20
country where the light of civilisation was snuffed out. But one=20
should do well to remind oneself constantly that the country of=20
Infosys and ISRO and Pokhran is also the country of child sacrifice=20
and sati and the burning of witches and the caste system. Just to=20
underline how thick the fog of a voodoo culture hangs on this=20
country, one only has to see how serious our leaders are about wiping=20
out such regular acts of barbarism. Take the official line on sati.=20
The law bans it, but does not have the courage to stamp out the=20
ceremonies ('sati pujas') which extol its 'virtues'. So we have a=20
situation in which the abhorrent practice is outlawed and encouraged=20
at the same time - all in the name of religious freedom.

There are those who would rather see such displays of mediaevalism as=20
simply 'criminal acts' disguised as mumbo-jumbo. While acts of sati=20
and human sacrifices may indeed be goaded by matters that are not=20
'religio-cultural' in nature - property disputes are thought to be=20
the real cause in most cases - the very fact that superstition is=20
presented as a reason for murder is mind-boggling. Even if a single=20
village tantrik in some far-flung corner of the country kills a boy=20
for the purpose of 'attaining occult powers', we should stop boasting=20
about the strides we have made as a modern nation. Instead, all our=20
efforts should be directed to root out evil being peddled in the name=20
of tradition, religion or whatever. Vested interests which encourage=20
atavistic feelings to garner political support has to be scrutinised=20
in this context. And in the process if Indians have to jettison some=20
'traditional' Indian beliefs and practices, so be it.

_____

#7.

Wed, 28 Nov 2001 21:04:14 -0800 (PST)
INDIA: Street Dwellers Demand Right to Stay on
By Bharat Dogra
NEW DELHI, Nov 28 (IPS) - For six decades now, a narrow lane behind=20
the Jama Masjid, the sprawling 17th century mosque built by the=20
Mughal Shah Jahan, has been home to Shamsuddin.
He is not the only person who calls this lane, barely eight feet wide=20
and which also serves as a wide drain, home. His neighbours include=20
several squatter families who occupy one side leaving barely enough=20
space for passersby.
Recently though, the relative security of this meagre sanctuary was=20
disrupted by policemen implementing orders to ensure the removal of=20
all squatters from the environs of the famed mosque and heritage=20
monument.
"I have difficulty walking but even I was forced to run from the only=20
spot I know as home," Shamsuddin says. His fears of being chased away=20
again shared by Bhuri, a young woman, who makes a living collecting=20
telephone bills and standing in queue to pay them.
"If I am moved to another area then my livelihood will collapse," she lamen=
ts.
The case of Shanaaz is even more difficult, because she has leprosy=20
and her husband is physically challenged. They depend on the alms=20
distributed by the charity inspired in visitors to the grand red=20
sandstone mosque.
Their mornings start with 'paranthas' (fried bread) and tea=20
distributed by a particularly kind soul.
It was the 'paranthas' that attracted Saurabh and several other=20
street children to the lane after a 'ran basera' (night shelter) run=20
by the government in the area was suddenly closed down.
The children currently benefit from an educational project run by=20
Butterflies, a well-known voluntary organisation, and they fear that=20
this will be come to an end if they are hustled out of the narrow=20
street.
"I dare not sleep too soundly. My leg still hurts where a policeman=20
woke me up with a blow a few nights ago," says Muhammed Akram, one of=20
the children.
"We are not criminals to be left to the mercy of the police -- we=20
just have nowhere to go," adds Meena.
All these homeless people -- men, women and children -- are victims=20
of a recent drive in the Indian capital New Delhi to beautify the=20
Jama Masjid area and make it more attractive for tourists.
But the plan does not take into account the resettlement costs of=20
hundreds of families, many of who have been in the area for decades=20
and simply cannot afford to go anywhere else on their own.
One casualty was the institution of the 'ran basera' which gave some=20
shelter to the homeless from cold winter night and in the rainy=20
monsoons. Today every one of them has been razed to the ground.
Under pressure from voluntary organisations, the Delhi state=20
government did announce the opening of three shelters for earlier=20
this year but there has been no move to have them constructed yet.
There are an estimated 200,000 homeless people in the city and their=20
ranks are swelling as a result of a Supreme Court order last year=20
that closed down small industries in which some of them were employed.
The Delhi government also announced a scheme for free distribution of=20
food grain for the homeless, but neglected to identify points where=20
the homeless can gather to collect their grain or where they can set=20
about storing or cooking it. says Paramjeet of Ashray Adhikar Ashray=20
(Campaign for Right of Shelter).
Paramjeet has been trying to raise volunteers from homeless youths to=20
increase their ability to resist injustice in an organised manner,=20
and this has given them some courage to resist high-handed=20
officialdom.
" It is only when they see their obvious need for shelter as a right=20
that the struggle of homeless people will gather strength," she=20
explains.
Indu Prakash, coordinator of this campaign agrees: "We have seen=20
clearly that as a result of many distorted policies, including faulty=20
relocation of huts and industries, the number of homeless people in=20
Delhi has been increasing. At such a time it is all the more=20
important to emphasise the homeless people's right to shelter."
In early November, with the winter fast setting in, the campaign=20
organised a 'Khula Manch' (open forum) which gathered together high=20
officials as well as several hundred of homeless people in a park=20
behind the Jama Masjid.
"If I don't pay the beat policeman in order to sleep on the pavement=20
on Chandni Chowk ( the boulevard leading to the Red Fort housing the=20
old Mughal palaces), he makes me drink water from the drains," says=20
Lakshman.
Other destitute people at the gathering recounted tales of brutal=20
beatings, extortion and harassment by the police, shaming the=20
officials into announcing remedial action.
Manjit Singh, a senior official, announced the opening of a "model=20
shelter" for children who had lost their chance at rudimentary=20
education because of the so-called beautification drive around the=20
mosque.
"A beginning has been made. Let us see if the children's shelter=20
actually does come up," remarks Paramjeet.=20
(END/IPS/AP/HD/DV/BD/RDR/JS/01)
Origin: Rome/RIGHTS-INDIA/
=A9 2001, InterPress Third World News Agency (IPS)
All rights reserved

_____

#8.

>CREATING PEACE NOT WAR
>
>STRATEGIES TO ERADICATE TERRORISM WITHOUT THE NEED FOR WAR OR
>VIOLENCE
>
>A PUBLIC MEETING
>TOWN HALL, ST ALDATES, OXFORD
>TUESDAY, 4 DECEMBER, 7 PM
>
>The world has an unbroken record of war and violence, with
>terrorism thriving. From this we can only conclude that war and
>violence will never prevent terrorism, and will never create
>lasting peace in the world.
>
>Between them, the five distinguished speakers at this meeting
>will lay out the root causes of terrorism and how it can be
>eradicated without the need for war or violence. This promises
>to be an interesting and educational evening, with each speaker
>providing practical advice as to how their listeners can help to
>bring about a world without war and terrorism, instead of
>feeling helpless to do anything about it.
>
>Dr Ghayasuddin Siddiqui, Leader of the Muslim Parliament of
>Great Britain
>Dr Scilla Elworthy, Director of Oxford Research Group, and
>author on non-violent resolution of conflict
>Barry Coates, Director of the World Development Movement,
>striving for justice for the world=EDs poor
>Pritam Singh, a Senior Lecturer in Economics at Oxford Brookes
>University, writer and campaigner
>Dr Geoffrey Clements, Chairman of Maharishi Foundation, and
>physicist
>
>The meeting will be comp=CBred by Nigel Barlow, author and
>management expert
[...].

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