[sacw] SACW #2 (24 August 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire / Dispatch No. 2
24 August 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

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[1.] India: Religious Cover for Education
[2.] India: Appeal to help against violation of adivasi peoples rights
[3.] India: Muslim Religious Schools: Escalating Witch-Hunt
[4.] Growing American Interference in South Asia

-----------------------------------------

#1.

http://www.parliamentaryforum.org/

Newsletter of the Parliamentary Forum for Education and Culture (India)

Religious Cover for Education: Kuldip Nayar

In reply to my question in Parliament whether the selection of=20
teachers was on the basis of their philosophy, Human Resource=20
Development Minister, Murli Manohar Joshi was taunting in tone. "The=20
Honourable Member always tries to see ideology even when there is=20
only an administrative matter," he said. Joshi has been more than=20
suspect in many eyes since 1992 when he, as President of the BJP,=20
said: "The Babri mosque is a sign of slavery. An independent India=20
won't accept it". His bent of mind is no secret. At the Liberhan=20
Commission, appointed to find out who destroyed the mosque, Joshi=20
repudiated his Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee's statement that=20
the matter should be settled either through negotiation or in a law=20
court. Joshi told the Commission that the matter could not be=20
resolved by any court orders.

The Saffronisation of an Institution No document can be more=20
relevant to know his leanings than the one that the National Council=20
of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) has brought out on=20
school education (1999). The NCERT is under his ministry and its=20
members are handpicked by Joshi. The document, which evoked wide=20
protests, states that higher education should be "Indianised,=20
nationalised and spiritualised." The December 2000 curriculum=20
framework is hardly different and talks about "values with an=20
emphasis on religious values", whatever that might mean. What=20
guarantee is there that under the guise of "religious values" Joshi's=20
ministry will not insist on introducing textbooks that spread venom=20
against certain sections of our population? Will the persons owing=20
allegiance to the RSS be kept out from the preparation of textbooks?=20
Reports about the books under preparation suggest a parochial tilt.=20
Joshi sent out a letter to MPs requesting assistance in implementing=20
the curriculum framework "in a desirable manner". 'Desirable' seems=20
a strange word to use. It suggests that what he has in mind is=20
desirable. In other words, what is not palatable to him will be=20
undesirable. It is a sort of directive that the policy enunciated by=20
the NCERT is a "desirable" one. It means that any dissent would be=20
regarded as an impediment in the way of the saffronisation journey on=20
which he has embarked and hence, be considered undesirable.

Singling out the Holy Books The fear is not unfounded. Joshi's=20
secretary M.K. Kaw, states in an article entitled Education in Human=20
Values in the official NCERT journal, "the greatest damage to our=20
intellectual freedom has been caused by traditional religions,=20
especially by those which have a single holy book from which they=20
drive their authority". Muslims, Sikhs and Christians all believe in=20
one book-the Quran, the Guru Granth and the Bible, respectively. All=20
three communities are called ehlay kitab-'those possessing The=20
Book'. They consider their holy book and find in it the message of=20
God. Kaw's remarks are derogatory and provocative. To add insult to=20
injury, he says: "We tend to forget that these religions have been=20
founded and written by people like us." Thank God, the National=20
Commission for Minorities noticed his writings and called him suo=20
moto to explain. The Commission put him on the mat and told him that=20
his article might have an adverse effect on the country's pluralistic=20
society. He tendered an unqualified apology. It is obvious that Kaw=20
had no defence. If there had been a rationale for the new education=20
policy he would have stood his ground. In fact, he gave an=20
undertaking to the Commission that he would write a rejoinder to his=20
own article in the next NCERT issue to make it clear that he had no=20
intention of casting any aspersions on the religious beliefs of any=20
community. He described his writing as his own views. If that were=20
so, why should he have expressed them as the Education Secretary? He=20
issued a statement withdrawing what he said in the article. But he=20
has already done the damage. Still, the emphasis on 'religious=20
values', which has been adumbrated in the new policy will only=20
legitimize the stress on religious education and push scientific and=20
historical inquiry into the background. [contd=8A] Cementing the=20
Foundations of Hatred and Bigotry The content in the text circulated=20
by backward-looking outfits like the RSS and the Markazi Maktaba=20
Islami (MMI) will not even be required to meet the criterion of=20
neutrality, scientific temper or frank inquiry. (The 1999 NCERT=20
report had severely criticised the RSS and the MMI texts). The=20
effort to put history and social studies within the straightjacket of=20
religion-based values destroys the sense of research and inquiry. It=20
curbs freedom and gives birth to bigotry. The powerless and=20
disadvantaged will feel still more handicapped after the new policy.=20
We have been mute witness in the past three decades to hate projects=20
in public life, to projects that have misused the label of religion=20
to perpetuate threats and strong arm tactics against minorities. How=20
polluted the atmosphere has become is visible from the desecration=20
of the Quran in a few cities. It was meant to humiliate the=20
Muslims-an answer by Hindu fundamentalists to the destruction of the=20
Buddha statues in Afghanistan. It was nothing but one set of=20
fundamentalists trying to settle scores with another set of=20
fundamentalists by playing with emotions of the common man. The=20
report on the rioting in Kanpur by a team of Hindu and Muslim women=20
emphasises the same pollution of the atmosphere. It says: "The=20
incidents in Kanpur provide the most vivid example of how=20
fundamentalist forces of both communities have strengthened each=20
other. Clearly, in the last few years, Muslim fundamentalist groups=20
have organised sections of young men of the community on the same=20
lines as the Bajrang Dal. The growth of both fundamentalisms is a=20
matter of grave concern and clearly, any strategy to counter such=20
forces will have to be directed at both groups. This is where the=20
communal politics of the BJP-led administration has caused immense=20
damage". The report further adds: "Contrary to the official=20
propaganda, which seeks to paint the whole minority community as=20
aggressors, in fact it is the minority community which has been a=20
victim of the communal violence of loot and arson perpetuated by=20
sections of the police and the Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC)."

The Over-emphasis on Sanskrit Coming back to the new education=20
policy, there is also an unashamed promotion of Sanskrit from the=20
primary stage. The reason given is that it has consistently been=20
used in India for thousands of years and it is still "inextricably=20
linked" with the life, ritual ceremonies and festivals of the Indian=20
masses. I have nothing against Sanskrit. But it should not hog all=20
the attention. Muslims use Arabic to perform their religious=20
ceremonies and Christians, Latin. A secular country cannot pick and=20
choose the language dear to a particular community to exclude others.=20
Too much emphasis on Sanskrit in the last NCERT report was resisted=20
by many states in the South as well. The real danger from persons=20
like Joshi is that, in their emphasis on 'religious values' and=20
Sanskrit, they give fillip to fanaticism and jingoism. The new=20
policy may not improve the quality of education but may certainly=20
damage the nation's secular ethos. No one will have faith in Joshi's=20
claim to solve the cause of education when the credibility of the=20
NCERT itself is a question mark- It's staff, Dr K. G. Rastogi, who=20
proudly said in his autobiography Aap Beeti, that he shot dead a=20
Muslim woman during the partition days, has quitted. Thanks for=20
small mercies!

_________

2.

From: "The Other Media" [New Delhi, India]

Appeal

Dear friends,

All India Coordinating Forum of the Adivasi/Indigenous Peoples=20
(AICFAIP) constituted an independent Fact-Finding Team of three=20
people namely, Mr. Thomas Kochery, World Fishworkers Forum and=20
National Alliance of Peoples Movements, Mr. David Selvaraj, Visthar,=20
Bangalore and Mr. A.J. Jawad, Advocate, Chennai from different walks=20
of life to investigate into the incident where adivasi peoples rights=20
were violated and their lives threatened due to the controversial=20
setting up of the Coimbatore Zoological Park (CZP). The report has=20
been released in an informal way to the press by the Secretariatyas=20
the team could not come to Delhi and make themselves available due to=20
some constraints.

After meeting a cross-section of people and investigating into the=20
past antecedents, the team realised that the rights of the adivasis=20
were being abused by the CZP in connivance with the authorities ever=20
since 1987. The team came to the conclusion that a systematic and=20
planned efforts were underway to deprive the adivasis of their=20
rightful lands. They had already acquired 71 acres of patta lands in=20
a dubious manner and under G.O. No. 285 Revenue dated 13 April 1998,=20
the Government of Tamilnadu has granted a lease of 180.78 acres of=20
adivasi lands for setting up the zoological park. This is being=20
disputed and strongly resisted by the entire village since they have=20
been virtually cut off from the traditional grazing lands where they=20
were earlier carrying on small scale cultivation and food gathering.=20
The surrounding lands also being encroached upon by settlers from the=20
city, the villagers now feels that they have no other option but to=20
dig in their heels and fight the forces that threaten their very=20
existence.

The Executive Summary and the details of the report are enclosed=20
(attached files) for you to comment and act upon. AICAFIP's report is=20
the second one, the first one being brought out by PUCL as early as=20
in 1994. If you are interested in receiving a copy of the PUCL report=20
do let us know.

We are writing to you to extend your support and help in which ever=20
way you or your organisation can to pressurise the Tamilnadu=20
Government to do justice to the suffering adivasis who are still=20
protesting without being heard. You could write to NHRC, SC/ST=20
Commission, Maneka Gandhi, MoE, Home Ministry, President, etc. We=20
have written and submitted the report to them. You could also write=20
to the Chief Minister of Tamilnadu, we are giving you the address=20
below:

Ms. J. Jayalalitha
The Chief Minister
Government of Tamil Nadu
Fort St. Goerge, Chennai, Tamil Nadu

If you have any queries, the Secretariat would be more than happy to=20
attend to it. You could also be in touch with one of our Core=20
Committee members who is based in Coimbatore for updates or could=20
even take up the issue in consultation with him. We are giving you=20
his contact details below:

CR. Bijoy
Doctor's Quaters
Sri Ramakrisna Hospital
Coimbatore, Tamilnadu
India- 641044
Tel: +91-0422-212430
Email: rights@o...

If you are interested in knowing more about AICFAIP, please see=20
Annexure I in the report and for further information, you could=20
directly write to the Secretariat.

AICFAIP would like to thank you for the time and patience to go=20
through this letter of appeal for support. We are hopeful that you=20
would take up this issue at the earliest.

In solidarity,

Gam A. Shimray

on behalf of the Fact Finding Team, members and the Core Committee=20
members of AICFAIP.

Members of the Core Committee: Dr. Siddharaj Solanki. Prof. Janardhan=20
Rao, Pradip Prabhu, Raajen Singh, CR. Bijoy, Anjali Daimari, Fr.=20
Agapit Tirkey and Jyotsana Tirkey.

PS: Please CC a copy each of the protest letter to=20
<mailto:admin@d...>admin@d... and=20
<mailto:rights@o...>rights@o...

All India Coordinating forum of the Adivasi/Indigenous Peoples
C/o B-14 Second Floor
Gulmohar Park
New Delhi- 49
Tel: +19-11-6561743/6514847
Fax: +19-11-6511504

_________

3.

Date: Thu, 23 Aug 2001 14:43:52 +0000

MUSLIM RELIGIOUS SCHOOLS: ESCALATING WITCH-HUNT

Yoginder Sikand

Ever since the present BJP-led coalition assumed power at the Centre,=20
there has been a spate of attacks on Muslim madrasas, in addition to=20
mosques and dargahs, a in various parts of the country. Top Hindutva=20
leaders, within and outside the government, have issued statements=20
alleging that the Pakistani secret service agency, the ISI, has=20
infiltrated into numerous madrasas all over the country, particularly=20
in districts lying along the country's borders with Pakistan, Nepal=20
and Bangladesh. A detailed report issued by the Indian intelligence=20
agencies, reproduced in the Mumbai-based monthly 'Communalism Combat'=20
[August, 2000], claims that some of these madrasas are, in the name=20
of providing religious education to Muslim children, actually serving=20
as training grounds for ISI spies and anti-Indian 'terrorists.'
The fear is expressed that in future the muftis, maulvis and imams in=20
these Muslim religious schools may be replaced by what it calls=20
'highly fanatic agents of ISI', who might secretly work for the=20
break-up of the country.
In recent months, government agencies have started targetting=20
madrasas in various parts of the country, ostensibly to combat the=20
alleged ISI presence. According to the Delhi-based Urdu monthly=20
'Islamic Movement' [August, 2001], in May, 2001, the=20
government-appointed ministerial group for the 'reform of internal=20
security', headed by Home Minister L.K.Advani, released a 137-page=20
report that recommends, among other things, a close scrutiny of=20
madrasas, alleging that some of these could be used as centres of=20
subversion by anti-Indian elements. The fear has been expressed that=20
by preaching 'religious fundamentalism', they could thereby undermine=20
inter-communal harmony and also endanger the country's security.=20
Accordingly, several madrasas are now being regularly visited by the=20
police, who are carefully monitoring their activities.
In Uttar Pradesh, home to the largest number of Muslims of India,=20
hundreds of madrasas are said to be now under close watch. A recent=20
report published in the Delhi-based Muslim fortnightly, 'Milli=20
Gazette' [1-15 August, 2001] quotes what it calls 'a mischievous=20
circular' allegedly issued by the UP state government that suggests=20
that Hindutva elements are seriously preparing the ground for what=20
the magazine calls a 'communal civil war' in the state. The circular=20
[no. ST/SSP32/2001 /4140 dated nil May 2001 and signed by B.B.=20
Bakhshi, SSP, Lucknow] has been issued to the state police as a=20
guideline in order to keep a vigil on 'ISI activities'. The ISI, it=20
alleges, is =91leaving no stone unturned=92 to disrupt life in the state,=20
and for this is 'luring' Muslim and Sikh youth 'to involve them in=20
subversive activities', besides also fanning anti-Hindu sentiments.=20
To counter this alleged ISI threat, the circular instructs that every=20
SHO should prepare a register of Muslim and Sikh families living in=20
his respective area=92. In particular, a list of newly-constructed=20
madrasas and mosques should be kept and they should be closely=20
monitored.
Predictably, Muslim organisations have been quick to register their=20
protest against the allegations levelled against the madrasas. The=20
'Milli Gazette', which sent a team to inspect several of the madrasas=20
along the Nepal-India border that have been accused of having been=20
infiltrated by the ISI, reported that none of the dozen Muslim=20
seminaries that the team visited had any association whatsoever with=20
the ISI. Some of their students had not even heard of the name of the=20
dreaded Pakistani secret service agency. In not a single of these=20
madrasas was any sort of physical instruction, leave alone military=20
training, being imparted. Yet, several of them complained of being=20
regularly visited and, sometimes, harassed by the police. The report=20
adds that these madrasas have no history at all of promoting=20
Hindu-Muslim conflict. In fact, one of them has several Hindu=20
students and teachers on its rolls, while another one has several=20
regular Hindu donors ['Nepal-Border Madrasas : No Iota of 'Terrorism'=20
or 'ISI' Activity', S. Ubaidur Rahman, 'Milli Gazette', 16-31 July=20
2001]. The 'Milli Gazette' also points out that, despite his=20
allegations of several madrasas along the Indo-Nepal border being=20
used as ISI bases, the former U.P. Chief Minister, Ram Prakash Gupta,=20
was unable to identify even a single such Muslim school. [" 'In Which=20
Madrasa is Training For Subversion Imparted?': U.P. Chief Minister=20
Unable to Reply", 'Milli Gazette', vol 1, no. 19]. Uttar Pradesh's=20
Director General of Police, Sriram Arun, while arguing that the ISI=20
was active along the Indo-Nepal border, is said to have denied=20
allegations that it was using madrasas as hideouts ['Top U.P. Cop: No=20
ISI Presence in Madrasas', 'Milli Gazette' ]. Likewise, the Milli=20
Gazette reports, the Director General of Police of Rajasthan, another=20
border state, admitted that the madarsas in the border areas are=20
neither centers of ISI nor have they ever participated till date in=20
any anti-national activities=92 ['No ISI Activity in Rajasthan
Border Madrasas' , Milli Gazette, vol.2, no. 3 ].
There are several thousand Islamic schools spread all across=20
India today. Most mosques have a primary religious school or maktab=20
attached to them, where Muslim children learn the Qur=92an and the=20
basics of their faith. For children who desire to specialise in=20
religious studies and train as imams and maulvis, numerous large=20
seminaries or madrasas exist, each Muslim sect having its own chain=20
of such institutions. For many poor families, madrasas are the only=20
source of education for their children, since they charge no fees and=20
provide free boarding and lodging to their students. Given what is=20
said to be the dismal level of educational provision for Muslims,=20
added to which is the marked anti-Muslim biases that have been sought=20
to be incorporated into the curriculum in government schools,=20
madrasas are often the only available option for the education of=20
children from poor Muslim families. In this way, madrasas have been=20
playing an important role in promoting literacy among the Muslims,=20
who have the dubious distinction of being, along with the=20
neo-Buddhist Dalits, the least educated community in India.
Nor have madrasas lagged behind in working for the cause of=20
the country as a whole. In fact, graduates from the madrasas as well=20
as the founders of some of the leading Muslim seminaries in India=20
played an important role in the struggle against the British, a fact=20
that is conveniently ignored in our school history text-books.=20
Leading 'ulama led uprisings against the British in the 1857 revolt'=20
and, for decades after, reformist ulama kept aloft the banner of=20
defiance in the Pathan borderlands till they were forcibly put down=20
by the British. Madrasa teachers and students, such as Maulana=20
Obaidullah Sindhi and Maulana Barkatullah Khan Bhopali, were among=20
the first Indians to demand complete freedom for India=97this in=20
complete contrast to the pro-British policy of both Hindu as well as=20
Muslim communalist groups. Most madrasas vehemently opposed the=20
Muslim League and its two-nation theory, demanding a united India=20
where people of different faiths could live together in harmony.
This is not to say that all is well with the madrasas today. Many=20
madrasas in Pakistan, for instance, have now emerged as breeding=20
grounds for self-styled jihadists, including the Taliban in=20
Afghanistan and the Lashkar-i-Tayyeba in Kashmir. In fact, it seems=20
that the experience of these madrasas in Pakistan has fuelled the=20
fear of the madrasas in India going the same way. But, critics=20
argue, this fear might indeed be misplaced as there is little or no=20
evidence of any Indian madrasas being actually involved in=20
ISI-related activities. Speaking at a recently-organised seminar on=20
the madrasa system, Maulana Obaidullah Khan Azmi, MP, asserted that=20
not a single madrasa had been found to be harbouring ISI agents,=20
adding that if any were in future found to be doing so, the Muslims=20
themselves would demand that it be shut down [Mazhar Imam, 'Madrasas=20
and Future of Indian Muslims', 'Milli Gazette', 1-15 August, 2001].
Instead of targetting the madrasas as potential sources of=20
instability, a sensible government could have used them to help=20
improve India's relations with Muslim countries and even to help=20
influence the policies of countries like Pakistan and Afghanistan=20
towards India. Indian madrasas, such as the Dar-ul 'Ulum, Deoband,=20
the Mazahir-ul 'Ulum, Saharanpur and the Nadwat-ul 'Ulama, Lucknow,=20
are widely respected all over the Muslim world, the first mentioned=20
being the largest madrasa in the whole of Asia and the second largest=20
in the world. Many Muslims in neighbouring Afghanistan, Pakistan and=20
Bangladesh follow the school of thought established by these=20
madrasas. If the state had sought to work in tandem with these=20
madrasas, rather than alienating them, they could well have served=20
important foreign policy goals of the country by helping to combat=20
the radical appeal of the so-called jihadist elements within=20
Pakistan, while assuaging Muslim fears of a threat to their identity=20
and their religious freedom in India. That the Hindutva camp has=20
chosen to do otherwise is hardly surprising, however. The=20
orchestrated campaign against the madrasas must be seen as yet=20
another assault on the rights of the Muslims and on institutions that=20
are basic to the preservation and promotion of their faith and their=20
sense of identity, this being integral to the fiercely anti-Muslim=20
Hindutva world-view.
Not many critics of the madrasas would probably have themselves ever=20
visited a madrasa, and so much of what they say is pure hearsay. Yet,=20
it may indeed be true that in some madrasas students are taught to=20
see all non-Muslims in far from flattering colours, as irredeemable=20
infidels, as rebels against God doomed to perdition in Hell and so=20
on. That understanding of the 'other' is, needless to say, something=20
that they share with Hindutva militants, whose image of Muslims is no=20
less lurid. A critical examination of, for instance, the fiery=20
rhetoric of the Lashkar-e-Tayyeba or the Students Islamic Movement of=20
India, on the one hand, and groups like the RSS, VHP and Bajrang Dal,=20
on the other, would reveal how much they share in common, despite=20
their apparent differences=97an undying hostility to democracy and=20
secularism, an incurable allergy to pluralism, and a total lack of=20
genuine tolerance for people of other faiths, for instance. The only=20
way people of different faiths can learn to see each other as fellow=20
human beings deserving respect is by promoting inter-faith dialogue=20
and liberal understandings of religion so indispensable for=20
harmonious co-existence in a plural society such as ours. Obviously,=20
then, the crusade against the madrasas is to guaranteed to see that=20
this does not happen, for the myth of an irreconcilable hostility=20
between Hindus and Muslims is as central to radical Islamist=20
discourse as it is to the Hindutva world-view. The targetting of the=20
madrasas can only play into the hands of both Hindu as well as=20
Islamic militants, and further reduce the already faint prospects of=20
Muslim-Hindu inter-faith dialogue=97and, with it, the possibility of=20
changing the way some madrasa students might be taught to look at=20
people of other faiths.
If madrasas continue to be targetted there would also seem little=20
hope for them to be able drag themselves out of the morass in which=20
they find themselves today. Having met several madrasa students and=20
teachers myself, I am aware that many of them are now increasingly=20
concerned with what they see as their outdated and increasingly=20
irrelevant curriculum and methods of teaching. As a leading Indian=20
Muslim social activist and intellectual, Nejatullah Siddiqui, writes=20
in his recently-published Urdu book 'Dini Madaris: Masa'il Aur=20
Taqazey' [Religious Madrasas: Problems and Prospects], there is a=20
growing realisation among the Muslims of the pressing need for=20
madrasas to reform their syllabi to enable their students to face the=20
challenges of modern life and to evolve a more relevant understanding=20
of their faith. But, many Muslims insist, this cannot be imposed by=20
force. It is only in a climate of peace and security, when Muslims=20
are free from what they might perceive to be threats to their faith=20
and identity, that madrasas can begin a process of reform.=20
Instigating attacks against them and fanning the flames of=20
anti-Muslim terror would not only dampen all hopes for reform but=20
might even make the fear of militancy a self-fulfilling prophecy.=20
Surely, then, the best way to put to rest fears of madrasas turning=20
into militant havens is to allay Muslim insecurities, and to spare no=20
efforts at guaranteeing that every community feels safe and=20
protected. But with Hindutva militants now so brazenly ruling the=20
roost, fanning anti-Muslim hatred and dividing the country against=20
itself, and with radical Islamist groups adding fuel to the fire,=20
that itself seems a distant hope.

_________

4.

Review Article:

Growing American Interference in South Asia

by V.B.Rawat

For the students of South Asian politics, it is not difficult to make=20
out the events in the aftermath of the brutal killings of the royal=20
family in Nepal on June 1st, 2001, at the Narainhiti Palace, in=20
Kathmandu. Some of us who have been concerned with the turn of events=20
were coincidently in Nepal during the crisis ridden days of the=20
Himalayan Kingdom. We clearly watched in utter dismay how the=20
Nepalese ruling establishment swung into action to undo the damage=20
caused by the killings in the people's mind and gave some fictitious=20
argument about the same. Later, the Americans and Indian hegemonists=20
immediately certified that the killings in Nepal were done by the=20
crown prince Deependra due to marriage dispute, an argument which=20
rocked the country as people refused to believe the version portrayed=20
by the government. And tragically we also saw how the Indian=20
government and the American establishment certified that whatever=20
version the Nepalese government was giving was accurate and does not=20
need anything else to justify it. Was the Narayanhiti Palace killings=20
just a marriage dispute as the official would like us to believe or=20
were they the part of a larger international conspiracy to eliminate=20
the growing people's movement in Nepal, in the form of Maoist=20
movement through out the country? Was it because King Birendra had=20
ruled out any army intervention to tackle the Maoist rebel in the=20
country while the Prime Minister Koirala desperately wanted an armed=20
intervention? Was it because the American fear the growing Chinese=20
intervention in South Asia if the Maoist captures power in Nepal? Was=20
it because the American after failing to contain Cuba think that it=20
could be equally difficult to contain another small country in the=20
region which may become hurdle in their efforts to control the huge=20
South Asian market and labour. The author Anand Swaroop Verma has=20
tried to find answer to these question through his latest book :=20
'Maoist Movement in Nepal' in which he has included not only the=20
historical facts about the communists movement in Nepal but also put=20
interview with Prachand, the General Secretary of the Communist Party=20
of Nepal ( Maoist), the controversial article of Baburam Bhattaria,=20
which was published by Kantipur daily and some other historical=20
events. Anand Swaroop Verma has been a vigorous reader of Nepalese=20
politics and has seen through his own eyes various left movement that=20
emerged in Nepal. The book is a fine example of the depth of Verma's=20
knowledge and experiences of the situation. The English version of=20
the book is an addition of his earlier Hindi version on the same=20
issue named: From Rolpa to Dolpa.

It is a tribute to the mass support of the Maoists that they enjoy a=20
total control in 60 out of the total 75 districts in Nepal. As Verma=20
has already pointed out in his preface to the Hindi Edition that the=20
American Imperialist agenda always consider communism as biggest=20
threat to its grand expansionist design. Now with the collapse of=20
Soviet Union it is vigorously pursuing its agenda and crushing any=20
such movement in the world. The only exception however is Cuba which=20
has under the very noose of the US, challenged its hegemony. Verma=20
says that it would be difficult for the US to intervene in Nepal=20
directly hence it is cleverly suggesting an Indian intervention in=20
Nepal. Clearly, the Indian government also knows it well that it=20
would be difficult to contain the Nepalese resentment against its=20
forces once they enter in an alien terrain. India has already paid a=20
heavy price for sending its troops in Sri-Lanka. But nevertheless,=20
India cannot sit silently on the global capitalist agenda to crush=20
the mass movement and the growing Maoists influence in the Himalayan=20
Kingdom. So what could be the strategy of the Indian establishment?=20
Verma says that for long the Indian establishment has been harping on=20
the thesis of linkages between various Naxalites groups in India like=20
the PWG, MCC with the Maoists in Nepal. A new dimension was added=20
that these groups were getting training by the LTTE cadre but LTTE=20
does not serve the Indian purpose in Nepal hence another new thesis=20
has been coined which is the growing influence of ISI in Nepal and=20
how it is training the various Naxalite groups in India and the=20
Maoists in Nepal. It would be easier for India to intervene in Nepal=20
in the name of demolishing the ISI training camps in Nepal as it=20
could claim easily that Indian will not allow any subversive activity=20
from a soil of a friendly nation.

Verma has meticulously cronolised the incidents and events after 1990=20
when King Birendra had introduced the new Parliamentary system in=20
Nepal and the reasons that led to the formation of the Communist=20
Party of Nepal (Maoist). Many political observers that time felt that=20
it would not last more than six months but the hard work of the=20
Maoists have proved all those political pundits absolutely wrong.=20
Giving details of Communist Movement in Nepal Verma give details of=20
the Manifesto released by the Communist Party of Nepal on September=20
15th 1949 which says : Mountains, peaks and rivers belong to all. Let=20
us all unite and share everything. Why should we accept the slavery."

It is important for us to understand as why the Maoists get wide=20
support from the masses. There is a sense in the masses that the=20
Maoists are really providing them an alternative to ruling=20
establishment which the various political parties have failed to do=20
in the last 10 years of so-called democracy in Nepal. Says Prachand,=20
the General Secretary of Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist): Today the=20
feudalists, the expansionists and the imperialists are conspiring=20
through their Nepalese stooges, the Nepalese Congress, UML, The Royal=20
Palace, RPP, etc, to let loose more intense repression against the=20
Nepalese people and people's war. It is not easy to attain easy=20
victory in people's war. For this wider participation and more=20
unified efforts of the masses are warranted. There are great=20
possibilities and at the same time serious challenges too ahead of=20
the people's war.'

Unlike India where the communist movement could not get the=20
confidence of the marginalized communities like the Dalits, in Nepal=20
the situation seems to be quiet different. Here a new Dalit movement=20
is taking shape with distinct class and leftist perspective. One hope=20
that the communist parties of Nepal especially the Maoist will=20
realize the follies of the communist movement in India in ignoring=20
the important issue of caste in the subcontinent.

It has been reported widely in the Nepalese media how the government=20
in Nepal was threatening the journalists known to be sympathizers of=20
the Maoist movement in Nepal. According to information chronolised in=20
this book, between May 1999 till May 2000, 'one journalist was=20
murdered, three were shown as missing, nine journalists were=20
arrested, screening of one film was banned, circulation of some=20
newspapers were stopped and many newspapers were confiscated.'=20
According to Amnesty International's report

Quoted in this book, about 1800 persons were arrested on the=20
'suspicion of being either party members or sympathizers of Maoists.=20
About 400 were being kept in jail without any fair trial.=20
Unfortunately these events did not attract media attention in India.=20
The media attention only came when veteran journalist Yuvraj Ghimire=20
was arrested on the charges of sedition because his Kantipur=20
published an article by Baburam Bhattarai.

Now, because Ghimire worked in India hence some of our journalists=20
supported him, though many veterans in India condemned him and term=20
his publishing the article of a Maoist leader as anti national act.=20
Unfortunately for the Indian media person, the Nepalese media has not=20
treated the Maoist with utter contempt as the Indian media does and=20
blackout the dissent from its pages or present them in utterly=20
negative ways. Why some of our editors justified charges leveled on=20
Ghimire? The controversial article written by Baburam Bhattarai has=20
been included in the book in which he charge the government of India=20
for its expansionist design. He says that India want Bhutanisation=20
and then Sikkimisation of Nepal and that the Indian secret agencies=20
with the help of the American agencies are supporting the anti people=20
ruling elite led by the royal palace and their puppet government. The=20
best way for the Nepalese government was to rebut the charges if it=20
felt them wrong but it was highly unethical to arrest him for=20
publishing the article. If Nepal and India have strong relations at=20
the people to people and government level than such malicious=20
charges, as the government of India and Nepal says, cannot disturb=20
them.

Whatever, may be the outcome of the current Maoist movement in Nepal,=20
it is clearly visible that people of Nepal are fed up with the=20
current lot of corrupt politicians and they are finding it easier to=20
interact it with the Maoists rather then the bureaucrats. It is=20
highly inappropriate to term that Maoist don't want peace with India.=20
In fact, no government in Nepal can ignore India because of its=20
strategic position and moreover all the political parties including=20
the Maoists have not only been educated in India but also have learnt=20
from various movements in India including the historical Telengana=20
movement in Andhra Pradesh and the Naxalbari movement in West Bengal.=20
The most unfortunate part of the current 'head' of the global village=20
is that they are ready to crush the left orientations at any cost=20
even if it is coming via democracy and for that they are ready to go=20
any extent by supporting not only anti people feudal state structure=20
and monarchy but also the religious fanatics. We all know how the=20
same America supported and strengthened the corrupt Islamic=20
government of Zia ul Haq in Pakistan to finish the Najeeb government=20
in Afghanistan.

The author must be complimented for his excellent work. One may=20
disagree with his view point and term them the cry of a communist yet=20
they are the important document for all those who want to learn the=20
Maoist problem in Nepal which is of utmost importance as they began=20
with fight against feudal system in Nepal and this fight goes on. It=20
is up to the reader to think and analyse as whether fighting against=20
an unjust and feudal order is blasphemous and tantamount to be called=20
anti national? I think the readers must be left to their own wisdom=20
in deciding whether they agree with it or not but Verma has only put=20
it in very sequence way and tried to analyse things through a=20
different perspective which is currently lacking at the so-called=20
'mainstream' media. So this book is a must for those looking for=20
alternative media and its analysis.

Name of the book: Maoist Movement in Nepal
Author : Anand Swaroop Verma
Samkaleen Teesari Duniya
Q-63, Sector-12,
Noida-201301
Published in 2001
Total No of pages : 144
Price : Rs 135

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4.

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