[sacw] SACW #1 (9 Sept. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire / Dispatch No.1
9 September 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

----------------------------------------

[1.] Pakistan: The madrassas and the have-nots (Tariq Rahman)
[2.] India: Shape of Knowledge ( Romila Thapar)
[3.] India: Manipur's Dress Code

-----------------------------------------

#1.

The News International (Pakistan)
8 September 2001
Op-Ed.

The madrassas and the have-nots

Dr Tariq Rahman
=
=20
The writer is a Professor of Linguistics and South Asian Studies,=20
Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad

There is virtual panic among doctors and senior executives in=20
Karachi-those who happen to be Shias, that is. A spate of killings,=20
and targeted killings at that, of senior Shia doctors and executives=20
has created this state of anxiety. The government has banned the=20
extremist Sunni and Shia organisations and passed a law to integrate=20
the religious seminaries (madrassas) with the mainstream, basically=20
Western oriented, education system. In short, at the highest level=20
the functionaries of the state realize that there is a connection=20
between madrassas and sectarianism or extreme religiosity and=20
militancy in Pakistan.

What is less often realised is that poverty too comes into the=20
equation. The Islamic lobby, whether in the madrassas, the Jihadi=20
groups or religious parties, comprise for the most part of young men=20
from the poorer sections of society. While nobody can claim that=20
they choose the religious life only because of poverty, it does=20
appear that some of the frustrations of poverty are expressed=20
through an active resistance to the lifestyle associated with the=20
urban rule-the westernised lifestyle. And the west, as we know, has=20
been seen as a threat in Islamic societies since the medieval ages.

It must be remembered that the ulema give the appearance of being=20
stagnant and backward looking but that is only one aspect of their=20
intellectual life. They taught the old medieval texts in Arabic and=20
Persian for continuity as they do to this day in Pakistan. But along=20
with them they also taught their students how to refute modern=20
ideas. It is true that they generally knew no English (or Greek=20
earlier) and had only a vague knowledge of the core philosophies of=20
the West. However, that which they knew they refuted. Nowadays, in=20
their final years Pakistani madrassa students are taught texts in=20
Urdu for the refutation of Western economic and political=20
philosophies. These texts are in simple Urdu and the students=20
understand them far better than their traditional Arabic texts which=20
they memorize. Sunni madrassa students study texts which refute Shia=20
thought. Shia students must be studying texts refuting Sunni=20
doctrines (but these have not been seen by the author). Among the=20
Sunnis the Deobandis have texts refuting certain doctrines of the=20
Barelvis while the latter have texts refuting Deobandis. The=20
Ahl-e-Hadith too have texts refuting the doctrines of the other=20
sub-sects. Then there are texts refuting Western ideas like=20
socialism, capitalism, democracy, individualism and so on. In some=20
cases, as in the opposition to family planning, even the Islamic=20
permission for coitus interreptus (al-Azl) is glossed over because=20
in the modern world the idea comes from Western sources. In short,=20
far from being completely frozen in time, the ulema are in=20
continuous opposition to it. They keep abreast with the gist of=20
innovations in philosophy, however limited their understanding of=20
them, and refute them. They do not withdraw from the world but=20
confront it and seek to change it.

In the twentieth century the ulema were in a state of siege. The=20
West had conquered and the madrassas were seen as antiquated=20
leftovers of a dying world. People either turned away entirely from=20
them or only invoked their blessings on a religious ritual ignoring=20
them for the rest of the time. Yet, the madrassas reacted more=20
violently to the modernist Muslim philosophers who had studied in=20
the West and interpreted Islam differently from them. In Islam and=20
Modernity (1982), Fazlur Rahman, a prominent academic and Islamic=20
modernist from Pakistan tells us how the modernists had not been=20
able to create a base for themselves in Pakistan. The universities=20
were not equipped to attract talented people. Those who chose to=20
study Islamic studies were generally among the least competent of=20
the student body. The madrassas too did not have competent people=20
but they were not dependent on the state for employment and could=20
therefore afford to be independent.

In the nineteen sixties, just when the world regarded the Islamists=20
as a spent force or a legacy from the past, the Islamic revivalist=20
movement was gathering force. Outwardly girls wore mini skirts in=20
Tehran and tight teddy shirts in Lahore but on the campuses the=20
lower middle class and rural students responded to the words of the=20
Islamic ideologies. In Pakistan the Jamat-e-Islami and its founder=20
Abul Ala Maudoodi inspired the students. In Iran Ayatullah Khomeini=20
was considered dangerous enough to be exiled though his day had not=20
come. In Kabul people like Gulbadin Hekmatyar were in revolt against=20
the westernised style of the Kabul aristocracy on the campuses. This=20
was also happening in the rest of the Islamic world but Afghanistan=20
and Iran are most relevant for us in Pakistan. Meanwhile, the kings=20
of Iran and Afghanistan and Ayub Khan of Pakistan did nothing to=20
make modernity attractive for the masses. They did not promote mass=20
schooling. They did not open hospitals catering for all. They did not=20
decrease the gap between the rich and poor. In Iran and Pakistan the=20
apparently 'modernist' rulers increased their personal power. They=20
also increased the armed forces. They disillusioned the masses till=20
they clamoured for a change for the better.

In Iran intellectuals like Ali Shariati made the educated public=20
feel that the change could come from a reinterpretation of Islam.=20
When the hatred of the Shah increased the bazaar merchants and the=20
lower middle class, who had always been religious, promoted Khomeini=20
and thus the clergy took over in the country. In Afghanistan the=20
educated middle class went for the socialist alternative in complete=20
ignorance of the ordinary people's feelings and failed. In Pakistan=20
the voters chose Bhutto's version of socialism but the have-nots=20
were cheated once again. Are they turning to the Islamists after=20
this? If one look at the pattern of voting, the answer is 'No'. But=20
the madrassas are flexing their muscles in the wings.

At the time of the partition there were 137 madrassas. In 1950 there=20
were 210 of them while in 1971 they increased to 563. Nowadays there=20
are at least 7000 of them. Out of the registered ones-and most are=20
still unregistered-the Barelvis have 1400; the Deobandis 550 and the=20
Ahl-e-Hadith 347. These are the Sunni madrassas. The figures of the=20
Shia seminaries is not available with the present author. Most of=20
them are small institutions attached to mosques but they are not=20
cramped since the mosques have open areas. There are some=20
institutions for girls but the present author was allowed to visit=20
only the boy's madrassas.

The clergy is more competent in Urdu than in any other language=20
because the central examination of the madrassas is in Urdu. This=20
brings it in line with the lower middle class intelligentsia of the=20
cities. Moreover, sitting on the floor, wearing local clothes and=20
speaking the local languages emphasises the similarities between the=20
common people and the clergy.

Since the clergy has gained power in Iran and Afghanistan the=20
madrassas are changing from conservatism to revivalism. They always=20
had a blueprint for the society but now they are getting convinced=20
it can be used in Pakistan. The secret of this change does not lie=20
in the prescribed texts which hark back to the Middle Ages. The=20
secret lies in the texts which refute the doctrines of the West=20
mentioned earlier; the pamphlets about the crusades in Afghanistan=20
and Kashmir available in the madrassas; and the interaction of=20
madrassa students with Jihadi elements from Kashmir or elsewhere.=20
The students are taken out to protest against a policy they dislike=20
(eg UN sanctions on the Taliban; the ban on Jihadi elements to=20
collect donations openly; changes in the Blasphemy Act etc). In=20
short, the madrassas are in constant contact with the outside world=20
and this world appears alien and hostile to them.

After all, this world is rich and comfortable and it never gave them=20
a decent living earlier. Indeed, it laughed at them and despised=20
them. Madrassas house poor children even now and the grudge they=20
bear the rich-and a most justified grudge it is -gets translated into=20
(Islamic) zeal. At least some of the hatred expressed by the bearded=20
young men who break the windshields of partygoers on New Year's eve=20
is class-bound in origin. It looks like religious zeal to be sure=20
but I suspect it comes, at least in part, from the frustrations and=20
indignities of poverty. In short, the rage of the dispossessed gets=20
translated in religious zeal. Madrassa revivalism, then, is a=20
continuation of the revenge of the have-nots from the have. It=20
derives some of its psychological energy from class hatred. In other=20
words, if poverty is somehow removed and justice is provided to the=20
have-nots, there is a possibility of saving Pakistan from a civil=20
war in the name of religion. If this does not happen, one does not=20
know what will happen but thinking about the future makes one=20
shudder.

_________

#2.

Akhbar (http://www.indowindow.com/akhbar/)
Year 2001, No. 1 September
EDUCATION

Shape of Knowledge:
Convocation Address at the University of Delhi

Romila Thapar

(The author is perhaps the most admired Indian historian today. In=20
her Convocation Address at the University of Delhi few months ago,=20
she shared some of her anxieties about the state of education and the=20
enterprise of knowledge in contemporary India, which is currently=20
under siege by the forces of Hindu chauvinism. Her appearance at the=20
Convocation was bitterly resented by the forces of Hindutva, who=20
stated, among other things, that she did not deserve to be on the=20
stage. Prof. Thapar, like most of her fellow historians, took it in=20
her stride. We are grateful to her for readily agreeing to let us=20
publish this address in Akhbar)

Vice-Chancellor, the Faculty and Students of Delhi University,=20
Distinguished Guests,
Ladies and Gentlemen. Having once almost graduated from this=20
University and having
later had a close association with it as a member of the Faculty, I=20
feel immensely
privileged at being invited to deliver the Convocation Address this=20
morning, and I deeply
appreciate the honour. What I have to say is largely a thinking aloud=20
of thoughts that
concern us as members of university communities. Since convocation=20
addresses tend to
be a mix of reminiscence and sermonising, I intend to do both.

Entering a new millennium raises hopes even though for us the=20
millennium has begun
badly with the nightmare in Gujarat. The only consolation is that if=20
the rebuilding can be
done creatively then the hopes remain. As has often been said the start of =
this
millennium has coincided with new ways of approaching knowledge and=20
more than that
with making knowledge accessible to as many people as possible. Its=20
impact has been
compared to that of the printing press, although in another=20
historical context. Given the
change in the technology of communication - the use of the chip -and the ma=
ny
directions that this communication can take, accessibility to=20
knowledge should normally
be taken for granted, provided the infrastructure is in place.=20
Accessibility has become a
subject of discussion although the kind of knowledge to be accessed=20
is less widely
discussed and seems to me to be more important.

But the millennium is not just a time marker. It is also symbolic of=20
the coming of a
Utopia. Utopias alas, do not materialise from wishful thinking, but=20
from a watchful
assessment of ideas and activities. The start of a millennium=20
therefore is a heightened
moment for pause and for reflection.

A Utopian dream shared by many of us is to make our society a=20
democratic society. For
all the mythologies about democracies in pre-modern times, it is only with =
the
emergence of modern institutions and the awareness that goes with them that
democratic forms surface. Democracy therefore involves a social=20
mutation. The practice
of adult franchise has undoubtedly been impressive despite some=20
shortcomings. But
there is much in our way of seeing ourselves that may well require=20
shedding if we are to
be frilly democratic. For example, the concept that Indian society is=20
constituted of
communities identified by religious identities, and that their functioning =
as
pre-determined majority and minority communities is compatible with democra=
tic
functioning, is not a view that I would endorse. It annuls the=20
essential feature of equality
within a democracy. It denies tlie other identities that give meaning=20
to our cultural life.
But closer to my concern this morning is the link between democracy,=20
education and the
acquiring of knowledge.

The system of education as it exists has been described as a kind of aparth=
eid,
separating the literate from the non-literate. The simile is more=20
than superficially apt
since it is the under-privileged for reasons of social identity and=20
of gender that are often
denied literacy. The existing condition is continuously aggravated by=20
rapid changes in the
technology of communicating and acquiring knowledge, and by its=20
becoming increasingly
the preserve of the few. With more sophisticated technical=20
requirements of education,
the divide will become worse. Not only does the lag between the=20
educated and the
non-literate in such circumstances become greater but also even=20
literacy by itself
becomes inadequate and insufficient. If we had had a commitment to=20
education fifty
years ago this lag could have been reduced. As it stands, even if=20
tomorrow, school
education is made compulsory and available, there will still be an=20
enormous distance
between the literate and those proficient in the skills of modern=20
education. It requires a
far more thoughtful education policy than has been proposed to make=20
these skills more
widely available. And education is not merely about making millions=20
literate. It is also
about citizens realising their rights and their obligations, both=20
necessary to democratic
functioning.

The new mantra of Information Technology will not in itself solve the=20
problem since the
minimum technological infrastructure required is, as of now, absent=20
in many places.
When electricity is irregular and the telephone system, unreliable,=20
the new technology is
not of much help: still less will it be for those who have had no=20
education, the
implications of accessing knowledge in this form also requires=20
evaluating existing
methods of advancing knowledge, some of which might have to be=20
discarded. At the
same time we are introducing what are described as traditional Indian=20
methods of
handling knowledge, through the curriculum at both school and=20
university. As educators
we should appraise these and other innovatory methods; else we may=20
end up in further
reinforcing the divide even through the kind of education that we=20
impart. As knowledge
advances the methods of advancing knowledge, change. What does remain=20
constant is
an attitude of mind that encourages me questioning of theories of=20
explanation and
places knowledge in a social context.

The central activity of accessing knowledge is still through an=20
efficient library. We tend to
take libraries for granted giving them scant attention even when they=20
are disabled by
severe budgetary cuts. Yet the library is at the heart of a=20
university and has to be
up-to-date, welcoming and easy to use. 'Where knowledge is out-of-date in s=
ome
centres of learning, it is largely because their libraries cannot buy=20
books or subscribe to
journals. This also precludes the creation of a library-using=20
culture, a culture dependent
on reading, that is a necessary prelude to academic excellence.=20
Judging by the ease with
which we have donated a vast sum of money to Oxford University for=20
establishing a Chair
in Indian History, there is obviously no shortage of funds. One=20
wonders though, why the
same kind of funding cannot be extended to financing the needs of=20
Indian universities
and more particularly the maintenance of libraries. With the new=20
technologies the
function of the library will become more complex in terms of storing=20
and retrieving data.
The demand for funding libraries will have to be more aggressive.

For the sciences there are at least some centres with good=20
facilities. But scholars in the
social sciences work in a more arid terrain. The argument that there=20
is a financial crunch
can be met by suggesting ways of rationalising facilities. If even=20
one institute were to be
selected for each discipline, with a full coverage of up-to-date journals a=
nd
publications--national and international--placed in a properly=20
organised library with
facilities for using the library, research would become less of a=20
hassle. Such library
centres could for instance, provide material in disciplines where=20
much of the frontline
research is published in journals. That so much quality research is=20
carried out under
adverse conditions remains almost miraculous. If the facilities could=20
be better organised
the quality would be more widespread. This would also force us to=20
focus on what is badly
needed, namely, the continual re-assessing and revising of the=20
courses that we teach in
universities. Up-dating courses can often be a prior requirement to=20
introducing new ones.

At the other end of the spectrum, children at school need to be=20
weaned away from a
reliance solely on textbooks and the system of learning passages by rote an=
d
regurgitating them in examinations. The alternative would be to=20
nurture a wider habit of
reading. This too requires well-equipped school libraries.

It is curious that the Indian middle class, which has been so clued=20
into making demands
of various kinds, including the virtual reversal of the economy in=20
the last decade, has
been silent about the appalling situation regarding schooling. Nor=20
has there been much
concern about the quality of what goes into the school curriculum.=20
The intention seems to
focus on ensuring high marks in examinations to carry a student=20
forward into higher
education. This has been taken to almost self-defeating lengths as=20
the criterion for
university entrance. Such an indifference to the potential of the=20
meaning of education
results from attitudes that support education as largely an avenue to=20
privilege. Where
students come from diverse social backgrounds, and are encouraged to=20
observe the
world around them and where education is treated as a form of=20
self-expression, the
exploration of knowledge carries a richer promise. Recent activity=20
relating to the
education of women and understanding their concerns has provided=20
challenging insights
into society as a whole, resulting in a more realistic exploration of=20
knowledge.

Governments have repeatedly denied appropriate budgets for education. One
explanation is that this points to the fear of an educated=20
electorate, and of people
understanding and demanding then- rights and calling for the accountability=
of
governments. We have ample funds for financing nuclear bombs but not=20
for setting up
schools, even though it has been said time and again that the fall=20
out effect of more
schools will bring about an infinite improvement of our society.

Universities too show little interest in school curriculum, not even=20
at the secondary school
level. The catchment area for universities lies in such schools yet=20
we continue to endorse
a top-down education system giving priority to higher education=20
without an adequate
infrastructure for secondary schools. There could be far more useful=20
interlocking between
school and university. Undergraduate teaching for example could have=20
an interface with
secondary school teaching, especially with the school leaving year.=20
Some of the liveliest
discussions on the nitty-gritty of teaching history that I have=20
participated in have been
with secondary school teachers.

If the quality of school education was also to be commented on by=20
those teaching the
same discipline at University, then there might be some helpful=20
evaluation of what is
being taught. For example, there is a proposal to introduce some new=20
subjects at both
school and university level: Vedic mathematics in school and=20
Astrology at university.
Mathematics plays a pivotal role in the sciences. In recent times it=20
has entered some
social sciences as well through the use of statistics, or as in=20
econometrics. Yet one has
seen little in the way of informed discussion on the required pedagogy for =
the
introduction of Vedic mathematics. Surely by now those who teach=20
mathematics should
have published analyses of the proposed system with discussions as to=20
whether it is
superior to normal mathematics as is claimed Those proposing the=20
change would be
expected to provide annotated bibliographies and manuals for teachers=20
to prepare for
teaching an altogether new system. To give currency to Vedic mathematics is=
a
substantial change in the discipline and would also affect the=20
teaching of mathematics at
under-graduate level.

Yet few mathematicians have either explained the new system or=20
commented on it or
objected to it, in terms of the school curriculum and the kind of=20
pedagogy involved. The
occasional comment opposing it argues that there is no such system as Vedic
mathematics: that at best it is an arbitrary collection of=20
information, not sophisticated
enough to constitute a system. It pertains to methods of calculation=20
and to geometry
based on references in the Vedic corpus. The frequently quoted example is t=
he
measuring and constructing of altars for conducting Vedic rituals.=20
Those of us, who are
not mathematicians but can see that such a change would have a range=20
of consequences
for education, are waiting for an enlightened debate on how it will=20
affect mathematics in
India in the context of contemporary systems of knowledge.

Teaching Astrology at university level will run into confrontations=20
with established
knowledge. If it is introduced as a specifically Indian contribution=20
it will be contradicting
the history of the ideas with which it claims association. The=20
history of Astrology in India
is often confused with the history of astronomy. In the texts from=20
the early past, the
interface between astronomy, mathematics and astrology was initially=20
close but gradually
astrology attracted different practitioners from astronomy and=20
mathematics. Even where
in some writings a degree of overlap was projected, the significant=20
feature of the
discourse was that it was cosmopolitan and acknowledged as such.=20
Varahamihira states
that the Hellenistic Greeks, the Yavanas, were worthy of being=20
treated as rishis because
of their advanced knowledge, even though they were socially=20
mlecchas--outside the pale
of caste society. The interweaving of astronomy and mathematics in=20
the study of solar
movements and the planets from the mid-first millennium AD has to be=20
differentiated
from earlier systems. The great leap forward in the theories of=20
Aryabhatta and Bhaskara
was not in astrology but in mathematics and astronomy. There were=20
long and continuing
debates during the next few centuries over the relatively new=20
theories. The significant
point was the precision of the data (within the framework of their=20
knowledge), the
rational and logical basis of the argument and the manner in which=20
the theory was
formulated. Views earlier thought to be heterodox, if they advanced=20
knowledge were
frequently incorporated. There was a continuing exchange of ideas on=20
mathematics,
astronomy and medicine with Arab centres. These in turn were to have links =
with
emerging centres in Europe. Ideas developed in astronomy and mathematics ma=
y be
reflected in some notions of astrology but the distinction was=20
recognised. This distinction
is significant to understanding what is now sometimes referred to as=20
Indian knowledge.
In the making of this knowledge and in various other systems of=20
knowledge from the
past, there were contributions from scholars elsewhere in Asia and=20
the Mediterranean,
even if some of the breakthroughs as it were, came from Indian thinkers.

It is repeatedly said that a university is an institution that=20
imparts knowledge. Perhaps
we now need to emphasise that it is as much an institution that explores an=
d
experiments with knowledge. This is conceded for the sciences, but=20
less so when it
comes to the social sciences. Part of the reason for this may be that=20
the sciences are
thought to be value free and more technical and therefore only the=20
trained scientist can
assess the value of new ideas. Literary studies can sometimes hide=20
behind the 'linguistic
turn' made popular through Post-Modernism which can at times obscure=20
the evident
argument. But the social sciences investigate the institutions of=20
society and can therefore
pose a threat to those who find social change uncomfortable--being=20
edged towards the
margins of a school syllabus can scuttle social sciences. They can=20
also be made less
relevant by arguing that since many themes in these disciplines are=20
descriptive and
therefore less technical, their relevance can be commented upon even by peo=
ple
untrained in the discipline. Both methods are currently in use.

In the transition to democratic functioning within the parameters of=20
the nation state, the
social sciences are viewed as more sensitive to national needs and=20
among them, history
in particular. There is an assumption that anyone can speak with authority =
on
history--irrespective of whether such a person can handle the=20
technical complexities of
the sources, or at a further remove, the theoretical underpinnings of=20
historical societies.

Disciplines in the social sciences have in recent decades lost their innoce=
nce.
Generalisations are now being subjected to cross examinations that=20
take into account the
validity of the sources and the logic of the argument and the=20
applicability of the ensuing
generalisation. At a serious level therefore, there is bound to be a=20
distancing from the
non-professional. This has become normal in contemporary higher education 1=
11
advanced centres, even though it introduces another set of concerns=20
in the public
communication of knowledge. I am not arguing that disciplines have a=20
pristine purity that
has to be protected from non-professionals. But I am arguing that=20
non-professionals, be
they politicians or media persons, need to be modest enough to acquire some
knowledge of a subject and how it is being handled, before they=20
pronounce upon what
they regard as its findings.

There is a brief history to these changes in the social sciences and=20
let me go back to the
earlier years of Delhi University. The late 50s and the 60s saw a=20
paradigm shift in the
social sciences in India with strengths particularly in areas=20
concerned with the study of
under-development, of caste, of class, of problems relating to rural=20
and urban issues.
Inevitably history provided a contextual background to these themes.=20
The questions
asked by historians also began to differ from what had gone before. A=20
dialogue was
started between the disciplines, each refining its analyses and=20
defining its purpose.
These were heady days of discussion and debate and many of us teaching at D=
elhi
University were participants. There was the excitement of breaking=20
away from colonial
frameworks and discovering new knowledge and in arguing over methodologies =
and
generalisations. The boundaries between disciplines were happily=20
crossed and much was
learnt in the process. Conclusions that were tentative and searching=20
to begin with, were
tested, and gradually began to replace earlier theories.

These changes had significance even for studies of the societies of=20
the past. Civilisations
were no longer graded in terms of which was superior, nor were=20
historians too bothered
about which was earlier--or for that matter how indigenous each may=20
have been. Instead
attempts were being made to understand the structures of early=20
societies. Some areas of
knowledge underwent a major re-orientation and Indology was one of=20
these. We often
forget that Indology is in essence a colonial construction.=20
Indologists were by definition
non-Indians studying some aspect of India, using methods developed by Europ=
ean
scholars in the nineteenth century. The development of the social sciences =
also
influenced Indological studies. Textual and linguistic analyses were=20
continued, but were
now accompanied by questions relating 10 agency, audience and=20
intention. The context
became significant and analyses moved closer to specific disciplines.

This has relevance to up-dating the systems of knowledge and the inheritanc=
e of
pre-modern and colonial education. Indian universities it is=20
sometimes said are divorced
from the Indian tradition of learning and are colonial interventions=20
in education.
Knowledge therefore also needs to be removed from the colonial mould and to=
be
replaced with an Indian form of knowledge or an Indian perception.=20
Unfortunately in
some fields, the latter is frequently reduced to being merely a=20
reversal of what has gone
before rather than the pursuit of fresh questions emerging from=20
innovative analyses. For
example, we are familiar with European Indological scholarship which=20
maintained that the
Aryan race invaded India, subjugated the indigenous population and=20
established Vedic
culture. The currently popular reversal of this is that everything=20
was indigenous--the
Aryans, their language and their culture and they go back to the=20
start of Indian
civilisation. Nothing came from outside and the culture was uniform=20
in language and
activities. But this reversal takes us nowhere. The reconstruction of=20
the history of these
times has to investigate more relevant questions, how do we define Aryan as=
a
language, an ethnic group, a way of life? How did the range of=20
societies evident from
archaeology relate to the making of Vedic cultural forms? Given the=20
prevalence of at
least three diverse language systems--Indo-Aryan, Dravidian and=20
Austro-Asiatic--what
was the process by which Sanskrit became the dominant language in=20
northern India?
What is the explanation for the close links of language and concepts=20
in the Iranian
Avesta and the Rigveda? The nature of historical questions has=20
changed and reversing
an earlier Indological argument does not necessarily enhance=20
knowledge. The replacing
of one homogenous history by another-- and a questionable reversal of=20
the first--hardly
contributes to our understanding of that society. The history of the=20
multiple cultures of
India has parameters other than the usual! And we still have to=20
reflect this in the
questions we ask of historical sources.

Debating with heterodoxy is one of the ways of advancing knowledge.=20
But this is not an
abstract exercise since 'he presence of both the orthodox and the=20
heterodox have a
wider social context. This was recognised in the past whether in=20
Buddhist and Jaina
monasteries or in Brahman mathas or in Sufi khanqahs. Thus, the significanc=
e of
Nalanda lies not just in its being a monastic centre of Buddhist=20
learning but also in the
fact that sectarian controversies were aired at such places. The=20
Chinese Buddhist monk,
Hsuan Tsang, came to Nalanda to collect texts but also to acquaint=20
himself with the
controversies.

The pursuit of ideas in centres of learning is also linked to=20
patronage. Nalanda was
maintained through a grant of at least one hundred villages. Did=20
these grants influence
the prominence given to particular sects and doctrines? Or were=20
institutions of learning
expected to accept the patronage, frequently from royalty, but remain=20
independent? Did
patronage determine ideology a question that often faces us today? An=20
Indian ruler in
the past, be he a Maurya or a Mughal, patronised a range of religious=20
sects irrespective
of his own religious identity. Since much of the pursuit of ideas was=20
carried out in
monasteries, mathas, khanqahs, madrassas and seminaries, all=20
receiving patronage of
various kinds, it would be worth trying to assess the impact of this=20
patronage on teaming
and knowledge.

Let me conclude by saving that I have expressed some fears and have made so=
me
suggestions. But if this is a moment to pause and to reflect then I=20
think that as a
University community our reflections should consider how best we can=20
handle what we are
essentially concerned with--what is popularly referred to as the=20
imparting of knowledge.
But to use the old clich=E9, the knowledge has to be relevant. This=20
lies in continually
assessing the quality of what is taught. Some of you may feel that I=20
have been tilting at
windmills in expressing my fears, but let me say that the process of=20
tilting can often be a
useful preliminary to giving form to the future.

_________

#4.

Date: Friday, September 07, 2001 8:58 AM
Subject: Fw: Manipur's Dress Code

Dear friends
You must have heard about the ban that a militant group in Manipur ,=20
KYKL(K), made on women regarding saris, salwars and trousers. I=20
should tell you that a Seminar was held on the 27th August about the=20
dress code in Imphal. Women, particularly from the traditional group=20
called Maira Paibi not only criticised the militant group but=20
denounced the ban.Many reports have come out in the newspapers about=20
people's reaction to the ban. It is heartening to note that men have=20
supported women's concern in denouncing KYKL(K)'s talibanized=20
announcement on Manipur's dress code. Clearly, the collective=20
strength of Maira Paibies and their historical past are important=20
factors leading to public support against the ban.I hope we can=20
join hands to build the same collective strength among women of=20
Kashmir. It would also be good if Shri Advani could lend a ear to=20
the voice of culture and the strength of traditional groups of the=20
north east when he talks about Indianising the north east (see TOI=20
of 4th Sept pg 5).

Monisha Behal. North East Network=20

Newspaper: Sentinel, Guwahati. Imphal, September 5, 2001.

The fearless women of Manipur who have carved a niche for themselves=20
in the golden pages of history are not amused by the attempt to put a=20
cap on their dress code on the lines of Taliban by a relatively=20
unknown underground organization which has surfaced recently in the=20
name and style of KYKL (K). late last month this outfit had announced=20
that Manipur girls and women who wear saris, salwars and trousers=20
will be shot dead at sight. It had sought cooperation from other=20
outfits in the light of criticism by a rival out fit , the KYKL(T).=20
The armed insurgents have not minced their words and the girls and=20
women are not taking unecessary chances. a

A Seminar was held in Imphal shortly after the imposition of the=20
dress code. The women were of the view that this new dress code was=20
uncalled for and asked the KYKL (K) insurgents to withdraw the dress=20
code immediately. For the time being the crestfallen insurgents are=20
not responding. The correspondent who toured some towns saw that=20
women should not be discriminated and that men should also stop=20
wearing trousers and revert to wearing loincloths. A young beautiful=20
dentist moving around wearing salwar said that for professionals,=20
there should be exception as it is inconvenient to work in the=20
traditional Manipuri dress. There have been scathing attacks in the=20
newspapers against this dress code for girls and women only. Perhaps=20
the KYKL(K) insurgents have realized their mistake and are lying low=20
since they do not dare to incur the wrath of the powerful womenfolk.=20
The number of girls wearing jeans and salwar is increasing. However,=20
the office going married women are not for the time being touching=20
their favourite saris. Since the restriction is exempted for tribal=20
and non-Manipuri girls , one can see number of girls wearing these=20
banned dresses. When the dress code was imposed, the KYKL(K)=20
insurgents did not give any tenable or coherent explaination. It=20
cannot be said that these dresses are imposing female bodies. It is=20
also not known why the restriction should be for Manipuri girls and=20
women only. It is very much on the cards that angry girls and women=20
will soon start wearing these banned dresses. As sale of these banned=20
dresses had plummeted, the desperate shop keepers are selling all=20
remaining stock at throwaway prices.

It is because of the revolt by these women that some Army personnel=20
were convicted and sentanced for rape, sodomy and other crimes. Much=20
to the charging of the worshippers of bacchus now the womenfolk have=20
started raiding drinking joints and parading the bootleggers. More of=20
women then men were seen during the June 18 mayhem in protest against=20
the clandestine plan to extend the naga ceasefire to Manipur. One=20
woman was killed and another had her leg amputated. Druing the=20
subsequent agitations it was the womenfolk who defied curfew,=20
prohibitory orders and launched sit-in protests. In a rare sight some=20
men were seen this time staging sit-in protest lest they would be=20
mocked at as hiding behind the womenfolk. The Manipuri women with=20
such a long and proud history of social movement cannot easily be=20
browbeaten with a press release by the KYKL(K) insurgents. Besides,=20
it is discriminatory since men are allowed to wear any dress. What is=20
more the KYKL(K) insurgents could not give a satisfactory explanation=20
for the imposition of the dress code. It is very much on the cards=20
that gradually the girls and women will start wearing these banned=20
while the sheepish KYKL(K) insurgents cannot do anything.

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

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