[sacw] SACW #1 (23 Oct. 01)

[Harsh Kapoor]

South Asia Citizens Wire | Dispatch #1.
23 October 2001
http://www.mnet.fr/aiindex

------------------------------------------

#1. Current Crisis and Pakistan: Alternative Thinking (Dr. Iftikhar H. Mali=
k)
#2. On the war in Afghanistan & goings on in Pakistan (M.B. Naqvi )
#3. Nepal: Achieving Peace and Justice through War (Anita Pandey)
#4. Ways of Nation-making (Nirmalangshu Mukherji)
#5. India: Fast For Peace, October 26-28, Rajghat, Delhi (Vipin Tripathi)
#6. Website - India Together : "Peace over Terrorism"

________________________

#1.

[22 October 2001]

CURRENT CRISIS AND PAKISTAN: ALTERNATIVE THINKING
by Dr. Iftikhar H. Malik

Pakistan's decision to join the Anglo-American alliance=20
intent upon undertaking military strikes against Afghanistan was=20
perceived as a rather less undesirable choice than staying neutral or=20
taking an altogether antagonistic stance against a revengeful power=20
seeking blood. The Indian enthusiasm to offer bases and unfettered=20
support hastened Pakistani decision though the New Delhi's move might=20
have been geared to put Islamabad into a more awkward position=20
{age-old India-Pakistan conspiracy clich=E9!). Following a BBC World=20
Service interview soon after the New York tragedy, Dilip Hiro, a=20
fellow commentator on Muslim affairs, hated to be in Musharraff's=20
position of being put between the devil and the deep sea. My own view=20
was that Musharraff had been arm twisted though the short-term=20
military and economic gains were seen weighing heavily against=20
long-term socio-ideological cost that might further fragment=20
Pakistan's precarious ethnic pluralism. Pakistani elite were quite=20
ebullient on Colin Powell's apparent support on disallowing the=20
Northern Alliance a de-facto role in the future dispensation. The US=20
Secretary of State's rather routine reference to Kashmir dispute as=20
"the central issue" dividing the two neighbour further placated their=20
worries while upping India's denunciatory antenna. Given the fluidity=20
and volatility of the situation so close to Pakistan and the various=20
spillover affects, Pakistan soon found itself in a dilemmic=20
situation. The latent American insistence on prolonging the bombing=20
campaign, involvement of the ground troops and, most worrying of all,=20
a rekindled support for the Northern Alliance, in the wake of more=20
militarist attitude from New Delhi seem, to have dampened the=20
erstwhile buoyancy. Irrespective of Powell-Rice rift, Pakistan must=20
steer a cautious course and simultaneously should begin some=20
soul-searching.
There are three or four major dimensions to Pakistan's=20
front-line role in the current crisis, which need country's urgent=20
attention. Firstly, it must be accepted by the ruling elite,=20
especially the generals and their supporters that an immensely plural=20
country like Pakistan cannot and should not be left to the whims of=20
its intelligence agencies. Time and again we have seen that the four=20
acronymic challenges to Pakistan--Karachi, Kabul, Kashmir and=20
Kalashnikov culture-owe their intensity, to a great extent, to the=20
intelligence agencies framing and implementing narrowly defined=20
policies more often averse to the larger national interests. The=20
encouragement to certain ethnic outfits in Sindh, Jihadi groups and=20
the Taleban all have brought Pakistan and Afghanistan to this=20
multiple catastrophe. The people are demoralised; economy is in=20
tatters; the Afghans of all shades of opinion and ethnic stock hate=20
Pakistan; thousands of innocent lives in Pakistan not to speak of the=20
unaudited material and natural resources expended in the last 23=20
years on the western front all have gone in smoke. These intelligence=20
outfits unilaterally created monsters to appease their masters over=20
and above national prerogatives; armed and financed them, and now=20
their weapons are trained on innocent Pakistanis and Afghans. The=20
precious money has gone on those weapons, which are now being=20
targeted by the Americans and consequently the innocent Afghan lives=20
being wasted. Fair enough, the CIA, other intelligence agencies and=20
the regional contenders all have equally contributed to buzkashi in=20
Afghanistan.The Pakistani youths are being killed in droves in the=20
name of Jihad while the only major port and the financial capital=20
staggers through the numerous crisis, hartals, sectarian killings and=20
chaos. How could Islamabad's spoofs justify to their people and the=20
wretched Afghans that after creating and prompting Taleban, now they=20
are earnestly eliminating them? One sees the blood and hard earned=20
money of the poor fellow Pakistanis going up in flames in Afghanistan=20
with every American bomb the way every Indian strike in Kashmir=20
further impoverishes this entire poor region. The sectarian conflict,=20
another legacy of General Zia's military rule, itself flourished on=20
the back of intelligence outfits.
Secondly, it is important to note that the military and mullahs-both=20
professional in their own way-are not the ideal functionaries to run=20
any forward-looking society especially Pakistan, which was enshrined=20
in the Jinnahist vision of tolerance and equal citizenry. The only=20
positive result of this current military campaign may be the overdue=20
break-up of that nefarious nexus though one has to apprehensive of=20
the resumption of the nexus once the smokes have receded. Pakistan's=20
overwhelming Muslim credentials should not allow mullahs to hijack=20
the agenda the way Islam must not be seen merely a religion of few=20
assorted rituals. On the contrary, it is a global civilisation=20
incorporative of human rights, egalitarianism, arts, philosophy and=20
enlightenment. While one shares the anguish of the innocent Afghans=20
in suffering due to Talebanisation and others, further compounded by=20
Western hegemonic militarism, one must not forget that it is not just=20
the maulvis who are tragic-stricken. The pacifists and other=20
humanitarian groups across the world including Pakistan and India are=20
decrying the brutal military strikes but our sympathy and resistance=20
to this Western arrogance and others' opportunism must also guard=20
against a secret entry and rehabilitation of the fundamentalists.=20
Equally, Afghanistan's neighbours must all desist from using one=20
ethnic group against the others.
Thirdly and quite significantly, it is not a sheer=20
restatement rather an urgency that Pakistan quickly reverts to a=20
full-throttled and unfettered democratic course. The country must not=20
be further humbled by yet another military take-over and there is a=20
genuine worry that the 11th of September may prolong the generals'=20
night. The elements of corruption and sectarianism spawning law and=20
order situation in the country earlier used as pretexts for the=20
fourth military take-over have failed to deliver; only adhocism=20
remains ascendant. One may, however, see some temporary economic=20
boost due to foreign injections, but in the long run, a few=20
individuals representing a status-qouist pressure group like=20
military, cannot lead the country. The Army's own professionalism,=20
calibre, training and transparency have been time and again seriously=20
compromised and now the holy cow is seriously infected with disease.=20
Basic democracies, indirect elections, partyless politics and=20
restoration of presidential system will simply deepen our=20
governability crisis and if the military generals are=20
patriotic--which I think they are-- then they must rise over and=20
above their sectional biases. The elected politicians must govern the=20
nation. Better politicians will come from amongst the bad politicians=20
and not by thwarting constitution and democratic institutions.
Fourthly, everybody asks: why Taleban? The simple answer=20
other that chaos within the Mujahideen-run Afghanistan in the early=20
1990s could be the economic adversity and political disempowerment of=20
our neighbours. If Pakistan follows the same course, its=20
Talebanisation could also be on the cards. Other than being a=20
politico-economic malaise fundamentalism grows on the debris of a=20
country's educational system. Excepting an elitist school system=20
serving a very thin class of `God chosen' let us accept the total=20
debilitation of our state-led educational system with madrassas=20
filling in the vacuum and by offering a reductionist version of=20
Islam. We can restore our educational system and other areas of=20
hitherto ignored development sector only if we redefine security in=20
reference to our strictly domestic prerogatives rather than in terms=20
of troops, tank and targets. India is not going to relent on Kashmir=20
nor can we afford two full-length, full-time war zones. We have lost=20
our case in Afghanistan despite all the sacrifices thanks to our=20
hotheads, and in the case of Kashmir we urgently need to assume some=20
alternative strategy. We must engage this huge and rather insensitive=20
neighbour in an economic dependency relationship, which will make it=20
difficult for her to destabilise us. We have tried military and=20
geopolitical strategies for so long; let us give peace a chance and=20
let the economic forces tame this bullying elephant. India is=20
provoking us on Kashmir since it knows that our friends in London and=20
Washington have no desire and will to embroil themselves in our=20
regional mess. They simply want to score a quick victory at the=20
express expense of poor Afghans-the third world's non-white,=20
impoverished, `uncivilised mobs'-to appease their cannibalistic=20
ogres. Let us not expect too much from such time serving allies;=20
rather initiate a new beginning focusing on peace, democracy and=20
development. Our own house needs to be in order before we may further=20
destroy ourselves worrying for the entire cosmos around us.

______

#2.

M.B. NAQVI ON THE WAR IN AFGHANISTAN & GOINGS ON IN PAKISTAN
Karachi Oct 22:

Pakistan has had a stormy history and thanks to the Afghan war perhaps
its most turbulent phase may have begun. For one thing, not all the
dimensions of this long war are known. However, the preliminary
consequences of the war can now be noted even at this early stage. The
chief ramification of the US bombing raids on Afghan targets is the
start of another, and a purely Pakistani, war --- in the hearts and
minds of Pakistanis.

While other possible dimensions of the war would have an impact on
Pakistan politics, the main characteristic of the internal conflict can
now be enumerated: Primarily it is an ideological polarisation. In a
way it is an old and continuing polarisation between the
religiously-worded (Islamic) Ideology versus the believers in the
(secular) democratic idea. But a new twist has been given to this basic
polarisation that has never been resolved in all Pakistan's 54 years.
The rightwing, led by conservative modernists, actually includes
religious, and now Jehadis outfits, had, for strictly political
purposes, made use of the Islamic-sounding political Ideology for
cornering, containing and countering those who believe in democratic
values and wished to recognise the strength of ethnic sentiments. From
an early stage, the rightwing forces had came directly under the
leadership of the Army. The name of the game has been to centralise
power and to keep the assorted, largely on-the-defensive and mostly
unorganised democratic elements.

There has always been an internal sub plot or a minor contradiction
between what could be called purely religious parties (that recently
have given birth to jehadis) and the so-called conservative modernists.
The modernists in Pakistan come in two versions: mainstream political
parties and the army. In terms of basic politics, there is no basic
difference in the army leadership and the mainstream parties. In any
case, the mainstream parties have worked within parameters set by the
generals and in some ways had been subordinated to them. Until Sept
this year the rightwing had managed to evolve the given pattern of
politic.

On the other side of the fence, the democrats were an assorted lot.
Their hardcore was regional nationalists, first led by East Pakistanis
and later by Pushtoon and Sindhi nationalists; in terms of prestige the
Pushtoon and Baloch leaders were foremost, though the development of
nationalist ideas was much advanced in Sindh and NWFP. Another component
was the much=96splintered left. The latter was ideologically very
influential in the beginning but gradually the rightwing rulers have, by
and large, emasculated it by suppression and the noisy propaganda of the
rightwing religious parties, particularly Jamat-e-Islami, calling them
apostates. Later the Sino-Soviet split weakened them and the demise of
Soviet Union has demoralized and discredited them. Even so, the only
reliable believers in the democratic idea are the remnants of the left,
all their earlier allegiance to dictatorship of the proletariat
notwithstanding.

The whole rightwing today has been in turmoil since the September 11
attacks on US symbols of power. The upshot was Army Chief Pervez
Musharraf=92s volt facie on Taliban, Pakistan army's own creation and its
only undiluted success. For the religious lobby that was earlier quite
subordinate to the Army, it was a sacrilege amounting to apostasy.
Despite denominational differences and thanks to the centuries old
Pan-Islamic sentiment, Taliban remain a symbol of successful Islamic
Revivalism --- an inspiration for the religious lobby. The entire
rightwing is now in ideological disarray. All their instincts were and
are in support of Taliban as also of even the so-called modernist wing
of the rightists. And yet the standard-bearer of the conservative
politics, the army, has turned against the chief symbol or totem. For
the present, utter confusion and recrimination prevails on the right.

The more the US bombs and kills in the poor and devastated Afghanistan
the more trauma is felt by primarily the religious lobby and secondarily
by even so-called modernist rightwingers who have always unthinkingly
promoted pan-Islamisation. None of them can stomach Musharraf's
decision to side with the US against his own proteges. And yet they
understand why he had to do so. The US itself has been a friend and
protector of all right wing causes, particularly of the military
dictatorship. That the Americans are very unpopular in the country is
known; it is quite pervasive and covers perhaps the vast majority of the
people. A Baloch Sardar died of heart failure --- not in sorrow but for
the sheer joy of it =96 when he heard that devastating hits have been made
on the symbols of American power and affluence on that Tuesday.

Today, the rightwing is at war with itself. The leitmotif of all upper
class Muslim politics, from the earliest days of Sultanates, has been
the love of power that verged on worship; the content of Muslim
politics, insofar as there was one, has comprised a scramble for
privileges by identifying oneself with the supreme central authority ---
at a pinch with any Nawab, Raja or even Talukdar. The traditional
authority, whatever his personal bent of mind and no matter how great a
sinner he was, would venerate and revere religious leaders in public and
talk about piety before the people. That pattern has now been upset.
The question has come to be whether the Army Chief will contain and
counter the religious lobby which is in full cry or, there will be
growing pressure on him from below and sideways?

The trouble is the Americans have not taken Musharraf into confidence
about what they intend to do. He must have learnt from the media when
the Chairman US Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee has said that
Afghanistan was only a "small piece" of the US campaign against
terrorism. General Richard Myers added another objective to the Great
War that his country has initiated. It is for the first time being
heard that the war is also against weapons of mass destruction and that
this war could last more than a lifetime. Incidentally the next phase
of it has been indicated: Iraq. Terrorism and mass destruction weapons
as the aim can take the US anywhere. Where the whole thing can end is
anyone's guess --- this kind of statement can only add to the
ideological confusion within the rightwing and will not help resolve the
older or main polarisation between hard and soft Islamic Ideologues and
those who are moved by democratic values.

______

#3.

The Kathmandu Post
10 October 2001
Op-ed

ACHIEVING PEACE AND JUSTICE THROUGH WAR
By Anita Pandey

It is ironic that the WTC and Pentagon attacks took place while the=20
UN-sponsored World Conference Against Racism (WCAR) was in progress=20
in Durban. It is ironic that the US withdrew from the WCAR for=20
disagreeing on the Zionism issue. It is ironic that the WCAR=20
culminated with a statement that the conference was a success!! And=20
that, apart from the initial response to the attacks, the UN in New=20
York has remained eerily mum. And lastly, it is ironic that peace is=20
on every sane person's mind, yet actions are being planned=20
aggressively.

The role of UN is being questioned. The plea put forth by the=20
Afghanis (both Talibans and the representatives of the Northern=20
Alliance) that the UN should arbiter in the negotiations has somehow=20
got lost in media labyrinths. Instead, 'revenge' cloaked in 'wiping=20
out terrorism' has become the popular slogan of the US and the=20
allies. Support for 'wiping out' is gathering worldwide acceptance,=20
yet not one country has questioned the means through which it will be=20
achieved. The media has its hands full airing statements of=20
Presidents, heads of state of supporting countries and the Taliban,=20
yet what of the Afghan civilians-the soon to become victims of war in=20
the Asian subcontinent. Life for them will change forever. The=20
economy will slump and the region will plummet further into poverty.

Closer home, in Nepal, we are struggling with a long-simmering=20
situation at the hands of the self-appointed, so-to-say reformists,=20
the Maoists. The Maoists claim to bring justice and equality. It is=20
widely accepted that the insurgency took root because of abject=20
poverty and frustrations felt by the people towards the government,=20
whichever it may be. But the methods with which the Maoists are=20
trying to right the wrongs are sorely denounced. Violence has=20
escalated over the last six years of insurgency. Ordinary people in=20
towns and villages under Maoist control do not express themselves=20
frankly for fear of being caught in the crossfire. The Maoists have=20
gunned down unarmed innocent policemen in several incidents. It is=20
true that some police personnel hitherto misused their power and=20
instead of protecting the people sometimes became the perpetrators.=20
But justice at the hands of Maoists is misplaced and as it always=20
happens, the innocent pay for the deeds of the crooked.

The Maoist rebels have captured many locally elected offices in the=20
interior districts of Nepal and declared a self-style rule as also a=20
'People's War'-their slogan. In some cases, people are paying double=20
tax.--to the government and to the Maoists. The elected member has=20
been forced to resign or leave office and the office place is locked=20
up. Some party workers (of different political parties) have not even=20
returned to their village for fear of life and limb. The Maoists=20
supposedly bringing justice to the people of remote districts of=20
Nepal have somewhere imposed on the human rights and well being of=20
the very same people. These people are poor, powerless and at the=20
mercy of those that govern them. The general public is sometimes=20
restless, sometimes fearful, and sometimes non-committal. They will=20
not oppose any act of the Maoists for fear of retaliation.

With the show of force, the Maoists have even closed down some=20
schools in the wake of the call for free education. But the noble=20
idea has been stretched too far because students who could at least=20
acquire some form of education at whatever cost are also now bereft=20
of the facility. There was no thought given to adjusting the students=20
in other schools or simply running the school free since the=20
infrastructure is there. So whether it is the odd policeman or a=20
group of Maoist insurgents wielding power at the barrel of the gun,=20
it is the same for the person on the street. The Maoists are known to=20
punish those that do not show acquiescence. In districts of Maoist=20
control, the village police posts have either been closed or are=20
deserted by the police personnel who are sitting ducks for the=20
Maoists.

The issue of innocent lives being lost is dismissed by the Maoist=20
leaders saying that in a revolution some blood is shed. If so, why=20
not the blood of the Maoists, why innocent people? If you take stock=20
of the 2000-odd reported killings by both sides in the six years of=20
insurgency, a large proportion are those of mistaken=20
identity-informer to the police or informer to the Maoist. Then=20
there are women and children, there are the youth that are fresh=20
recruits to the police force and have never been in a combat=20
situation, the list is countless.

The plight of the people caught between the police and the Maoists is=20
poignantly portrayed in the recently released documentary "The=20
Killing Terraces" at the opening of the Film South Asia 2001, a=20
festival of South Asian documentaries. The hour-long film studies=20
the reasons for the insurgency and carries accounts of victims of=20
violence at the hands of the police and the Maoists. Perhaps the most=20
touching are those of the woman who is caring for the only family she=20
has left, her two little grand children whose parents were killed by=20
the Maoists. She worries for the future of the little ones after her.=20
Or perhaps of the young boy of 12 who is caring for two yet younger=20
siblings after the parents were killed by the police and the two=20
elder brothers drafted in the People's War. There is revenge written=20
all over the little boy's mind. There is also the predicament of the=20
father whose two sons have become enemies-one joined the Maoists and=20
the other the police. Either case, he is a loser.

These testimonies work up an anger at once for all the players-for=20
the government for misusing funds and power and taking the country to=20
the depths of poverty and corruption, for the Maoists who have played=20
on innocent minds and proceeded to act with the force of the gun, and=20
for the police personnel who have been more a threat for the common=20
person rather than a protector.

Updated 22 October-
Meanwhile the government has gone in for two rounds of talks with the=20
Maoists and even managed to avert the mass meeting that was to be=20
held by the Maoists on 21st September with anywhere between=20
400,000-500,000 people pouring into the capital Kathmandu. The talks=20
were a stalemate with the Maoists demanding the installation of a=20
Republic state. Fortunately, with the passage of time, there has been=20
some rethinking on both the sides. The Maoist gave up their demand=20
for the dissolution of Parliament and establishment of a Republic=20
state for the time being. Instead they asked to be included in an=20
interim government. This was viewed as a good sign and an effort to=20
mainstream the Maoist party. So while the Maoists are demanding for=20
the release of all its party cadres (they still hold civilians and=20
police personnel) and for an early date for the third round, the=20
Prime Minister has stumped every one with a cabinet expansion, the=20
number totaling to 41.

All this does not bode well, especially in light of the ground=20
covered with the Maoists. In the name of justice, they could revert=20
to violent means. The issue is far from being resolved and there is=20
an uneasy calm. The government is busy settling in 28 new additions=20
to the cabinet. The Maoists are certainly cooking something.=20
Meanwhile the situation is back to simmering awaiting another=20
outburst.

______

#4.

Date: Mon, 22 Oct 2001 13:50:38 +0530

WAYS OF NATION-MAKING

Many writers from the subcontinent, such as Arundhati Roy, Praful=20
Bidwai, Parvez Hoodhoy, and others, have stood up to the great=20
challenge of the time. Cutting through massive propaganda, parochial=20
interests, and controlled attempts at diversion, their writings have=20
helped unmask the real face of the current civilisational crisis. By=20
now, several pieces have been repeatedly anthologised, translated,=20
circulated by hand, through the web and other means.There are reasons=20
to believe that much of this material has reached wide sections of at=20
least the English-speaking intelligentsia, if not beyond. Some of the=20
writings from the West, especially those of Noam Chomsky, have=20
received similar attention.

Since truth is the biggest threat to power and, hence, the largest=20
casualty in such times, it has to be held at all costs. And the truth=20
is that these wonderful acts of writing have little reflection on the=20
actions of the intelligentsia. Speaking of Delhi, none of the several=20
widely-announced anti-war demonstrations, meetings and rallies have=20
drawn more than 200 people at a time. Even the rally of 13th October,=20
organized jointly by the left parties in association with a large=20
number of civil rights and other organizations, barely reached this=20
peak figure. A cultural meet organized by Sahmat (20th October) and=20
attended by filmstars, well-known writers, musicians, academicians,=20
and the like, drew about a 100 people - a very large percentage of=20
whom took part on the stage itself. Needless to say, subsets of the=20
same people - the marked 'lefties' - showed up for each of these=20
events.

This is in direct contrast with, say, the protests organized during=20
the Gulf War; thousands marched to the US embassy in a similar=20
demonstration organized by the left parties. Interestingly, this=20
demonstration also contained some elements from the Islamic clerical=20
ranks who waved posters of Saddam Hussain. But the protestors, in=20
general, completely ignored them and directed the whole anger to the=20
bombings and civilian casualties. (This is also in contrast with the=20
impressive anti-war demonstrations and meetings currently taking=20
place in the US and Europe. I will set these aside from the current=20
discussion).

An even better contrast is with the demonstrations held in support of=20
the implementation of the Mandal report. As is well-known, the middle=20
classes were deeply divided over the issue with the majority opposing=20
the move. Since priviledges in India aggregate around upper castes=20
and classes, the implementation directly threatened the opportunities=20
enjoyed by the intelligentsia as well. Yet, in a show of admirable=20
solidarity with the unempowered, and in the face of sustained=20
ridicule from friends and families, several hundred people marched=20
repeatedly under the hot summer Sun.

The moral content of these acts can not be overstressed. The Gulf War=20
had UN sanctions, since a relatively powerful country with a=20
well-oiled army had actually invaded its tiny neighbour out of sheer=20
greed. Yet the intelligentsia worked through the possible moral=20
confusion, and could focus on the real issues and designs. As for the=20
Mandal report, there was never any doubt about its acceptance since=20
all political parties supported the move largely on opportunistic=20
grounds. In any case, just a handful of diminishing government jobs=20
were at issue. In both cases, the impressive protests were=20
essentially acts of solidarity: with the people of Iraq, and the=20
dalits. If I correctly recall, neither of these actions were=20
accompanied, in numbers or quality, by the kind of aggressive writing=20
we now have the priviledge to read. Yet, the results do not match?=20
What happened?

Obviously, there is no simple, unique answer to this question. Much=20
has changed in the Indian polity in the last decade. There are deep,=20
festering divisions in popular opinion for which the intellectuals,=20
including those from the left, are as responsible as the politicians,=20
media, and the general opportunistic ethos of the post-reforms=20
culture. These are large historical issues having to do with the=20
decline of mass movements, the growth of the Sangh ideology,=20
fragmentation and impoverishment of people, the fractious nature of=20
dalit politics, massive growth in inequality, unclarity of the=20
discourse of dissent, the numbing realities of a unipolar world, and=20
so on. Although each of these have to be squarely faced since they=20
often feed on one another, the solutions are neither easy nor clearly=20
in sight.

However, not all aspects of the phenomenon of public apathy under=20
discussion here have such propblematic historical character. Some of=20
these are specific to the understanding of current events; hence,=20
they are amenable to immediate examination. I will concentrate on one=20
of these aspects. It seems that the enormous moral complexity of the=20
events following 9-11 has convinced many people that the attacks on=20
Afganisthan are ultimately justified, even if these sections of the=20
intelligentsia are at least uneasy about American designs and the=20
murder of innocent people. So their support to the war is laced with=20
some sense of moral compulsion. Needless to say, the view is shared=20
by large sections of otherwise well-meaning people around the world.

The compulsion arises as follows. The cold-blooded murder of=20
thousands of people in New York helped form the opinion that=20
something needs to be done; we cannot just sit on this. So punishment=20
is called for. This sense of requital is compounded by the suggested=20
location of the suggested terrorists. The Taliban can be easily=20
viewed as one of the most brutal and inhuman systems known in recent=20
history. This deadly combination of the terrorist and the Taliban=20
does not leave much room for non-violent delivery of justice.=20
Therefore, the argument is: the Taliban must go, it will not go=20
voluntarily, the US is in a position to make it go; since the US is=20
also the aggrieved party, the US attack is the only option. Versions=20
of this argument has turned possible protestors into spectators=20
frozen in a political stupor.

The convenience of this argument is that it enables agents to reach a=20
quick morally-responsible decision that, at the same time, allows=20
them to adopt a posture of resignation. It saves them the difficult=20
task of fathoming the complex alternative: 'the people of the world=20
do not have to choose between the Taliban and the US government'=20
(Arundhati Roy, 'War is Peace', Outlook, Forthcoming) When read in=20
the context of the historical factors listed above, it becomes clear=20
why large sections of the intelligentsia have rushed to embrace this=20
argument. While the culture of the left prevails subliminally, it is=20
prudent to learn to adjust oneself to power, especially of the=20
unipolar variety.

The assumption of course is that, once the US and its allies are=20
allowed to run the course of the argument in a 'short, targetted'=20
war, all lingering problems will be solved overnight in a neat causal=20
chain: (a) the nation of Afganisthan will be re-built by saner,=20
popular forces, (b) the militancy in Kashmir and the rest of the=20
subcontinent will disappear, and (c) the task accomplished, the NATO=20
will withdraw from the scene. A suitable construction of this hope=20
enables one to doze over the moral problem of watching maimed=20
children.

The fact that several of these assumptions have already proven to be=20
false raises doubts about the validity of the argument itself. For=20
example, while two weeks of savage bombing and other operations have=20
virtually closed all routes for aid to starving millions, the Taliban=20
anti-aircraft guns are still firing; it is going to be a 'dirty,=20
mean, and proctracted' war as Pentagon officials sometimes counsel in=20
their rare moments of half-truth. As for the temporary involvement of=20
the Pentagon, recall that the UN resolution was met as Iraq withdrew=20
from Kuwait within weeks of the Gulf War. Beyond the resolution,=20
nonetheless, the bombing of Iraq has continued to this day; so much=20
for the withdrawal from the scene.

As these inevitable features begin to assert themselves, the massive=20
popular discontent can only turn violent, especially in Kashmir. This=20
allows the Taliban forces to regroup in the caves of moral high=20
ground for another decade of brutal war to act as they know best.=20
Signals from this heroic struggle against the Goliath will be picked=20
up by holed-in gunmen throughout the world. Poisonous envelopes will=20
saturate the mail. New bloody alliances are already beginning to form=20
in the bowels of mountains; warlords lying low for a while are oiling=20
their weapons again.

So, the basic assumption that the nation of Afganisthan can be=20
re-built from its current ruins along the lines of enduring freedom=20
has to be false. The only thing enduring out of this brutality is the=20
epic suffering of common people. With the guns turned around, as=20
Chomsky puts it, the suffering will fill the world. Therefore, an=20
alternative that rejects both the Taliban and the US must be found.=20
Whatever be the complexity and the ambiguity of this alternative, it=20
is the only one in hand if the race is to survive. The contours of=20
this alternative cannot even be rationally contemplated as long as=20
the war goes on. The war must stop, and the Pentagon must leave NOW.

No doubt the stoppage of the war will give a respite to the Taliban=20
and Al-Quida. No doubt deranged despots will celebrate the stoppage=20
as a victory. But the caravans of food and medicine will begin to=20
reach the people; the blankets and the sweaters will arrest the=20
shivers. Huts and shelters will be re-built, children will play. Only=20
then the people of Afganisthan will be in a position to look at them,=20
and around them, to begin to reflect on the kind of nation they want.=20
As Roy observed in the cited piece, you cannot 'place an order for=20
democracy - with extra cheese and jalapeno peppers'.

9-11 has changed the world. Even if the war stops, Afganisthan no=20
longer belongs to the Taliban. With the borders closed, recognitions=20
withdrawn, weapons in disarray, the sheer brutality of the regime=20
finally in full view, and organizations like RAWA entering popular=20
imagination, there are a number of ways in which the warring factions=20
can be nudged towards the negotiating table, while the minds and=20
bodies of the Afghan people are allowed to revive under international=20
care. A new world demands new forms of care and understanding. One of=20
the surest ways of healing the grave wounds that led to the massacre=20
in Manhattan is to enable the people to construct a nation of their=20
choice with their pride and diversity intact. The other of course is=20
to get Israel out of West Bank and Gaza. These are the first steps;=20
there will still be a long way to go. All of this will require=20
courage, patience, imagination, and rivers of compassion - none of=20
these flow without peace.

Since the above is a sketch of an alternative, it will be resisted by=20
both the Taliban and the US. The Taliban resistance is now easy to=20
break; the US is the problem. This has been the real problem=20
throughout. The likes of bin Laden think they know how to solve it.=20
9-11 disclosed the character of this solution. It is back to the=20
people then, as always. People won't be heard until they march.

Nirmalangshu Mukherji, Delhi University

______

#5.

From: Vipin Tripathi [ 22 Oct.2001]

FAST FOR PEACE
October 26-28, Samata Sthal (Rajghat) Delhi

There is turmoil all around. Our minds are filled with anguish over
terrorism and war. May we enquire into our hearts whether we feel the same
pain for the victims of twin towers and those of Afghan war. Unless this
discrimination vanishes we can not rise to challenge violence.

Violence can never be a weapon of the masses. How so ever noble be the
ideal, terrorism only brings miseries upon the masses: i) it is ruthless
on those who do not support their violent means and majority of people
do not like violence, ii) it invites massive retaliation by the State
of which masses are the victims, iii) it relies on drugs and other foul
means for support. iv) it leads to the involvement of big powers in
domestic / regional affairs endangering economic and political
independence of nations. v) it lowers the soul and dignity of people.

Unrest in Kashmir and North-East are not merely the problems of
terrorism. These are interwoven with alienation of masses from the
national main stream. The military solution to terrorism leads to
repression and killings of innocent people, alienating them further. This
approach must be revised. Intelligence rather than brute force must be
used to isolate the terrorists from the masses.

Peace loving people would have to articulate nonviolent struggle for
reasonable demands in disturbed regions. The terrorists would then learn
that self sacrifice, without inflicting suffering on others, is much
higher form of struggle than violence.

Fundamentalism is antithesis of religion. The fundamentalists and
communalists of all religious brands have been an ally of big powers in
cold war era. Big powers nurtured and armed them to fight their
battles. After the end of cold war fundamentalists / communalists have
captured power in many countries and are ruthless to their own people.

Afghanistan is a stark example of ruination due to super power
rivalry. It was a peaceful country till 1979 with no signs of
fanaticism whatsoever. It was at the forefront of helping Indian
freedom struggle and a trusted ally till 1979. Then President Taraqi
was killed and Amin was installed declaring allegiance to USA. Few days
later Amin was killed and the new President invited Soviet forces. USA
mobilized rebels (including Talibans and Bin Laden) to fight these
forces. 1.5 million people were killed in bloody struggles and civil war.
Now USA and Talibans are pitted against each other and a new war has
started. Devastating bombings are causing havoc upon the people. Millions
face extinction due to war, winter and famine that would follow. The war
must end forth with.

The recent developments have blurred many of our perceptions. Many believe
that Muslims are fanatics by nature and their religion is violent. They
must know that 80% Muslims are poor and exploited. And the exploited
people are never oppressive, they are only the victims of=20
oppression. Look at Bosnia where half million poor Muslims were
killed. Similar has been the fate elsewhere. However, Muslims are not the
only victims of violence, as fanatic Muslims would like us to
believe. Over 3 million people were killed in Vietnam, Combodia and Laos,
half a million Tutsis in Rowanda, tens of thousands of Tamils and
Sinhalis in Sri Lanka, and so on. In India's partition too half the
casualties, out of half million people killed were Hindus and Sikhs. Let
us clear our prejudice and see agony of each other. Hindus, Muslims,
Christians and Sikhs are one and they must rise against real problems.

Government must take corrective measures to remove fear and prejudice. It
must convene the meeting of Non-alignment Movement and work to stop the
war.

We undertake fast for 3 days to awaken our conscience against violence
and war.

______

#6.

INDIA TOGETHER "PEACE OVER TERRORISM"
http://www.indiatogether.org/peace

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